The period between 450 and 350 BC is regarded as a time of significant social change during the European Iron Age, with numerous processes of transformation, instability, conflict, and mobility unfolding across the European continent. However, in contrast to other episodes of abrupt social transformation, this period has received considerably less attention: it has been understood as a starting point or a sudden change but not usually researched in its own right.

The present study begins by reviewing different European archaeological contexts, exploring how this century is usually interpreted as a significant break. Next, the focus will shift to a specific region, north-west Iberia, in order to identify changes in patterns of occupation and social dynamics. The primary objective is to examine the shift that occurred around 400 BC, identify any common pattern or trend across different regions, and assess long-term consequences. Finally, I propose a series of interpretations at different scales, aiming to raise some possible hypotheses for understanding the development of this brief yet eventful period.

Political parties in Europe are undergoing profound transformations, with many abandoning traditional brands. This study analyzes party names as indicators of ideological and organizational change, combining an original content analysis across 28 European countries (1945–2023) with two conjoint survey experiments. We find that “nonparty” names have become the majority, reflecting a shift away from ideology toward alternative forms of identification. While movement names appear in wavelike patterns linked to protest cycles, such as after the 2008 Great Recession, nonclassical names are especially prevalent among new, opposition, and right-wing parties. However, a paradox emerges: despite their growing adoption, nonclassical names do not easily yield the anticipated electoral benefits, as new parties seem to gain little from abandoning classical naming conventions. By tracing long-term naming trends and integrating survey-based experimental evidence, we advance debates on party transformation, political branding, and the evolving interplay between electoral and movement politics in contemporary democracies.

In a longue durée study of the European context from 1918 to the present day, this article critically assesses alternative modalities of self-determination proposed by two non-state, transnational actors – the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1942) and the Federal Union of European Nationalities (established 1949). Situating the activism of these organizations within an international system that has prioritized state determination over the self-determination of peoples, the study charts their attempts to renegotiate dominant statist paradigms of minority protection and human rights, using ideals and frameworks of European integration as a guide. The analysis shows that although the rise of the European Union after 1945 created an environment far more propitious than the one that existed between the two World Wars, transnational activism has faced consistent limitations on its effectiveness, arising not just from the external machinations of states but also from internal divisions within the organizations concerned. In this respect, the study also sheds light on an enduring tension between collective and individual concepts of self-determination within contemporary Europe, demonstrated most recently by the Federal Union of European Nationalities’ failed European Citizens’ Initiative on a “Minority Safepack” during 2013–2021.

What societal factors influence the reach of Russian propaganda outlets among fringe audiences? Recent debates within international relations and political communication have questioned the ability of Russia’s information warfare practices to persuade general public opinion in the West. Yet, Russian propaganda outlets have historically focused on reaching Western fringe communities, while a growing literature on societal resilience argues that variance in specific societal factors influences the effect of information warfare. Here I study the degree to which various societal factors condition Russia’s ability to reach fringe audiences. I measure the reach of Russian propaganda outlets among online fringe communities in ten Western European countries in the three months before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. I compare national measures of public service media, media trust, affective polarisation, and populism and find descriptive indications that the latter two are tied to performance of Russian propaganda outlets in fringe communities. In addition, I find reach to be concentrated among regional great powers, highlighting the need to consider strategic risks when discussing societal resilience.

The best known historical narrative of the international mental hygiene movement among English-speaking audiences locates its origins in the publication of A Mind That Found Itself, the autobiographical account of Clifford Beers (1876–1943), a Yale graduate and former psychiatric patient. The success of the book is thought to have prompted the creation of the first Society for Mental Hygiene in Connecticut in 1908. Beers’ biography, published as Advocate for the Insane in 1980, contends that mental hygiene abroad developed from seeds first sown in the USA and subsequently in Canada.

This article offers a critical reappraisal of that narrative and advances an alternative framework for understanding the history of the international mental hygiene movement during the first half of the twentieth century. It draws on a body of scholarship, emerging since the 1980s, that has sought to decentre the prevailing account, exposing the multiplicity of forces at work in a history that diverges from any straightforward, linear trajectory radiating from a single point of origin.

By tracing this decentred history, the article highlights the contested nature of the ‘international’ in the context of the mental hygiene movement. Case studies from the USA, France, Brazil, and Argentina reveal both the conflicts it engendered and the diverse meanings and significance it assumed within distinct national settings.

Past research on populist supporters’ democratic orientations suggests that populist voters believe in democracy but are dissatisfied with how it is being implemented. However, this research has not adequately grappled with variation in the type of democracy citizens support or the left–right orientations of populists. Using the tenth wave of the European Social Survey (2020–2022), I distinguish between respondents’ feelings about how well their country lives up to the liberal aspects of democracy (including minority rights, media freedom, pluralism, etc.) and the aspects of democracy related to popular sovereignty (rule by the people, referenda, etc.). All populist supporters are disappointed in their countries’ performance relative to popular sovereignty, while only left-populist supporters are disappointed in their countries’ liberal performance.

Globalization’s emphasis on the knowledge economy gradually shifted universities’ objectives away from fostering social cohesion towards developing market skills. What kind of citizenship has emerged from this process? Using a staggered difference-in-differences design, I study the political economy legacy of the largest ever market-oriented transformation in higher education – the Bologna Process – for European millennials. I find evidence for a ‘neoliberal hypothesis’: the reform substantially increased the perceived importance of achieving status and wealth. By contrast, I find no evidence for a ‘humanist hypothesis’: The reform did not change the perceived importance of global equality and environmental issues. Ironically, the Bologna Process heightened the perceived importance of status and wealth without delivering long-run gains in income and employment. My findings dispute that universities indoctrinate students into left-wing politics, and suggest that market-friendly institutional change constructs the ‘student customer’.

Mental health policies and plans (MHPPs) are powerful tools developed to facilitate real-world changes in mental-health-related prevention, promotion and treatment. This study examined barriers and facilitators to MHPP implementation across the WHO European region. Key informants from 53 countries were contacted and 25 provided in-depth qualitative interviews on MHPP existence, implementation, and evaluation related barriers and facilitators of implementation. We analyzed data via qualitative framework analysis approach aligned with the WHO Comprehensive Mental Health Action Plan 2013–2030. Reported facilitators included active involvement of key stakeholders, ongoing mental healthcare reform, bottom-up approach to implementation, sufficient funding, favorable political receptivity and strong monitoring. Barriers encompassed insufficient funding, workforce shortages, adequate training in psychiatry, missing or insufficient infrastructure in terms of both physical structures and technology for data collection, low political receptivity, stigma and bureaucratic obstables. While notable progress has been made in the development of mental health plans in the European region, substantial gaps remain in information systems, research capacity, and systematic evaluation frameworks on mental health and development of appropriate evaluation plans. Strengthening these components is essential to ensure the effective and sustainable implementation of MHPPs throughout the region.

There is a marked tendency to view Latin America’s twentieth-century international history through the lens of US hegemony, and Europe has been particularly impacted by this historiographical trend. On the basis of a review of 41 articles published in The Americas over the past 81 years, this essay explores The Americas’ important role in promoting scholarship on the variety of connections between Latin America and Europe. By bringing together two temporal currents—the chronology of history and the chronology of historiography—it traces how scholarship on Latin America’s twentieth-century relationship with the wider world has evolved. During the Cold War years, the majority of articles focused on Latin America as an arena for great power/superpower rivalry, but from the end of the previous century, scholars publishing in the journal made increasing use of different scales of analysis to uncover the multidimensional flows across the Atlantic. Ultimately, work published in The Americas on twentieth-century transnational relations has shown that Latin America and Latin Americans are important actors on the global stage with significant agency in drawing upon separate international influences and alliances to best suit their own domestic purposes, sometimes with significant consequences for the wider world.

Cultural transfers between metropolitan cores and colonial peripheries, have been a constant feature of the history of modern nationalism. Anti-colonial movements also influenced to some extent the development and strategies of European national movements before 1939. After 1945, and with particular intensity following the Algerian War of Independence, claims for national self-determination from the colonial possessions of the European empires also influenced the development of regional and national movements within Western Europe. This was flanked by the adoption of Marxist-Leninist and New Left doctrines by the post-war generation leading Western European minority nationalisms. The article deals with the reformulation of national self-determination in Europe under the influence of anti-colonial thought, particularly since the adoption of the theories of “internal colonialism”, and the new dimension given to the theory of national liberation by authors such as Frantz Fanon. It also looks at the emergence of radical ethno-nationalist parties in the 1960s and their commitment to this new wave of anti-colonial self-determination. Finally, the attempts of some of these movements to articulate a transnational programme will be analysed.

Involuntary placement and treatment within mental healthcare represent one of the most sensitive areas where clinical needs and human rights intersect and the protection of fundamental rights of individuals subjected to coercive measures remains a paramount concern. This issue has been along-standing interest of the European Psychiatric Association (EPA), reflected in studies conducted by the EPA members and by the EPA Code of Ethics. Moreover, the EPA supports the work of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on a Draft Additional Protocol to the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine, as an European document aiming to harmonize practice across Europe, emphasizing involuntary treatment as a last resort, guaranteeing access to legal counsel, and ensuring continuous monitoring. However, weemphasize several aspects that should be included: 1) future reforms must integrate legalsafeguards with innovations in community care and evidence-based practice, ensuring that involuntary measures remain exceptional and rigorously justified; 2) while evidence-based strategies to reduce coercive treatment exist, it is important to emphasize the need for regular staff training, knowledge exchange, and consistent application of high standards, with a focus on minimizing the use of involuntary treatment within facilities while developing alternatives; 3)coercive treatment is regularly used in general hospitals for patients lacking decision-making capacity. Addressing all involuntary treatment, in both psychiatric and other healthcare settings, to ensure that the same legal, ethical and clinical values and standards are applied to all, is also critical in order to confine coercion to the absolute minimum.

Against the backdrop of debates about migrant integration in Western countries, this article examines the extent to which liberal democratic values differ between migrants and non-migrants in Europe and whether potential differences can be explained by socialisation in different political contexts. We measure specific values of liberal democracies using data from the European Social Survey, covering a large number of countries, and from the German Integration Barometer, covering a representative sample of migrants from different countries of origin. This allows us to investigate how structural political socialisation and indoctrination in more or less democratic regimes affect the democratic values of migrants and to what extent possible differences in values diminish when migrants from non-democratic countries settle in democratic countries. The analyses show that all three – non-migrants, migrants from more democratic countries, and migrants from less democratic countries – have high levels of liberal democratic values. At this elevated level, we additionally observe that longer periods of socialisation in less democratic countries of origin reduce, and longer periods in more democratic countries of destination increase, migrants’ support for liberal democratic values. Thus, we find support for socialisation and adaptation processes among immigrants in Europe, but these effects are relatively small.