Intersectionality is increasingly being operationalized as part of gender mainstreaming efforts across national and multilateral contexts. One prominent example can be located in Sweden’s 2015 institutional commitment to centering future gender equality policy in an intersectional analysis. This article explores the complexities of institutionalizing intersectionality in Swedish gender equality policy processes, drawing on the situated insights of public sector gender experts and Afro-Swedish feminist activists and politicians. Key findings include the prevalence of additive interpretations of intersectionality that privilege gender, limitations in statistical practices, and uneven commitments to intersectional policymaking across different institutional contexts. Recommendations for enhancing intersectional policymaking include the incorporation of ‘Equity Data’ and qualitative insights through structured dialogues with intersectionally marginalized communities. Ultimately, this article emphasizes the necessity of centering the voices of both institutional insiders and intersectionally marginalized stakeholders to address the shortcomings of intersectional practice to enhance its transformative potential in Sweden.

Studies indicate that sexism played a prominent role in the 2016 US Presidential election (Frasure 2018; Glick 2019; Ratliff et al. 2019). President Trump’s 2024 victory signifies a tendency wherein Trump prevails upon facing a female candidate. This paper examines sexism’s influence in favorability toward Vice President Harris relative to President Trump across race and gender given Trump’s gains in minority supporters (Geiger & Reny, 2024; Robertson & Tesler, 2024). Using data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-election Survey I examine these attitudes across four racial groups, Asian Americans, Latinos, White, and Black U.S residents between men and women. Drawing on theories of modern and benevolent sexism, I find benevolent sexism is positively correlated with Harris favorability among men of color whereas among White men these attitudes are correlated with Trump favorability. White women high in modern sexism are less likely to favor Harris than some women of color, particularly Asian women. Notably this relationship between Trump favorability and modern sexism extends across race and gender. Such gender attitudes can inspire protective instincts toward Harris or seemingly bolster the public’s preference for male leadership, offering potential insights into the 2024 Presidential election.

Although virtual reality (VR) programs are being developed by marginalized groups’, a systemic power imbalance still exists. Marginalized groups have a place in digital wellbeing and can lead initiatives to access resources that they desire. To better support these efforts and mobilize knowledge among marginalized stakeholders, we conducted a scoping review of the use of VR for wellbeing. Adopting an equity lens that considers the experiences of intersectional marginalization, our aim was to identify VR programs, their targets, outcomes and equity-related facilitators and barriers. In May 2023, we conducted a comprehensive literature search of MEDLINE, PsycINFO, Embase and Web of Science databases and grey literature for virtual reality and marginalized populations. Eligible research articles since the inception of the databases were those that met our predefined criteria of VR, marginalized populations and wellbeing. We included 38 studies and charted preregistered variables using narrative synthesis, descriptive statistics, and a logic model. The populations were often intersectionally marginalized--primarily individuals with disabilities, underrepresented sexualities and genders, and marginalized older individuals in high-income countries on Turtle Island (North America). The most common race categories were Black or African American (26%) and European or White (53%), but other sociodemographic characteristics were underreported. VR offered diverse support, including social, mental, physical and cultural. We report program outcomes for several subgroups; though heterogeneous, most studies reported improved wellbeing outcomes. VR’s flexibility created informal, flexible spaces, with peer support that contributed to mental and social wellbeing. Several factors could hinder marginalized groups’ ability to access and participate, such as the lack of free programs, data and program ownership, and intersectional data analyses. This topic reflects a growing literature, with half of the publications being in 2022 or 2023. Many of these studies have limitations like small sample sizes and a lack of mixed-methods or practical significance analyses. Moving forward, researchers should apply more open-access and inclusive practices in their designs and recruitment processes to widen equitable access to marginalized stakeholders. Nevertheless, many marginalized populations created VR programs and benefited from them, contributing to a rebalancing of power over wellbeing.

Compounded by 14 years of public welfare austerity, health equality presents a challenge that extends beyond healthcare in isolation because it also engages the more recondite politics of public health. Recent policy has addressed the issue by requiring National Health Service (NHS) bodies to integrate their services with those of local authorities. We consider how this adds significant new difficulty to the already complex process of NHS resource allocation. We argue that these duties require a new framework to gauge the values, evidence and criteria needed to set priorities for public health; not simply as a desirable objective, but a necessity in law. We consider current approaches to priority setting for medical treatment, and the responses already offered by current ethical frameworks. We then discuss the new ethical, political, and practical challenges posed by public health priority setting for health equality. Informed by this context, we engage an intersectional lens to explore a ‘non-ideal’ solution grounded in Professor Sir Michael Marmot’s framework to reduce health inequalities.

Who is particularly vulnerable to climate change, how do these vulnerabilities intersect, and what do they mean for climate litigation? For the European Convention on Human Rights, these questions have not yet been conclusively answered. Although recent climate rulings recognized the interdependence of human rights and climate change, the European Court of Human Rights has proven reluctant to engage with the fundamental inequity of climate change and the intersecting vulnerabilities that shape how groups and individuals experience its effects. The present article argues that the Court’s staunch refusal to think intersectionally led to its current, untenably high bar for individual victim status in climate cases. It engages critically with this refusal, arguing that the difficulty of issuing model judgments to face large-scale structural problems like climate change should not come at the cost of engaging with the intersecting vulnerabilities and inequalities at the core of such a case. In doing so, it invites a rethinking of vulnerability in the Court’s parlance.

This article offers an intersectional and temporospatial analysis of female visibility during religious activity in urban spaces in Republican Rome. The focus is on the regular religious activity of prominent female religious officials – Vestals, flaminica Dialis, and regina sacrorum – and collectives of women – married and enslaved women – as religious activity and roles could empower some women, and provide regular opportunities for visibility in the city. I argue that such an approach and focus reshape our understanding of the visibility of women in urban spaces, challenging traditional scholarly views of female domesticity and invisibility. A temporospatial lens reveals that women of various roles and statuses were regularly visible in a wide array of urban spaces, seemingly irrespective of their public, private, or sacred nature. There appears to have been limited spatial segregation by gender. Instead, a woman’s intersectional statuses and temporality were key dimensions differentiating female visibility. There was no singular gendered rhythm, but plural rhythms in interaction and conflict, and female religious officials played key roles in directing these rhythms and bringing harmony to the religious calendar. Futurity and the preservation of the community lay at the core of this female religious activity. Ultimately, time’s place was pivotal.

This article examines the lived experiences of multiculturalism among the Indonesian migrant women living in South Korea through the lens of ‘everyday otherness’. The process experienced in this context is seen as part of a broader development of Korean multiculturalism. The article investigates how cultural encounters are perceived, interpreted, and negotiated by Indonesian migrant women. Drawing from qualitative research that dealt with migration narratives, the study aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion on Korean multiculturalism and identify areas for improvement. It argues that everyday otherness practices in Korea have become subtler, more nuanced, and multi-layered. It reveals that while everyday multicultural practices in Korea have become more welcoming the presence of foreigners, the daily experience of racism and otherness continues, and is even more confounding.

Latinas and Asian American women are often labeled “women of color” (WOC). But taking up the identity of WOC is a choice; not all Latinas and Asian American women self-identify as WOC. Building on intersectionality theory and recent work on “of color” identities, we propose that WOC identification has the potential to translate into broader political alliances with other marginalized groups. We evaluate this expectation with data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS). We added a survey question about self-identification as WOC to the 2020 CMPS, making research possible about the nature and implications of the WOC ID. We theorize that Latinas and Asian American women who self-identify as WOC will be more supportive of policies that disproportionately benefit marginalized outgroups. We find evidence that WOC ID is positively related to supporting these policies, as hypothesized. We also investigate whether racial resentment limits the effects of WOC ID and discuss the implications. We argue that this study demonstrates the significance of the WOC identity and its role in the creation of political coalitions.

Equality law has developed into a mature and sophisticated field of law across jurisdictions. At the same time, inequality too has bourgeoned. This Article explores this paradox. It argues that the widening gulf between equality law and persisting inequalities can be addressed through a ‘structural turn’ in equality law. The structural turn is imagined in contrast with the liberal view which sees the harm of inequality/discrimination as something inflicted by and against individuals or collectivities through specific acts or omissions. The structural view places individual victims and perpetrators within the broader dimensions of the social, economic, legal, political, psychic and cultural contexts in which they exist and the power relations within them. The way these dimensions interact with each other and against the relationships of power within them, reveals how structural harm is occasioned. This Article argues that structural harm need not only be treated as a product of structures, including a structure such as equality law, but as the target of equality law which is open to not only enacting structural harm but also structural change.