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Chapter 1 - Odd Men Out

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 May 2023

Michael Pope
Affiliation:
Brigham Young University, Utah

Summary

This chapter serves as an introduction to the polemical dismissal of Epicurean teachings as sub-masculine and morally suspect. Epicureans are shown to figured as sexually receptive and effeminate by their ideological opponents. I argue that Lucretius accepts these criticisms and turns them around to show that Roman men are equally effeminate and penetrable. Objective, empirical observation of nature and physics proves that everyone, regardless of biological sex and sociological gender, is rendered penetrable and vulnerable by the constant issue and reception of atoms.

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Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2023

Chapter 1 Odd Men Out

Any lengthy assessment of Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura (DRN) must devote care to its opening lines. In the following pages and chapters, it will become clear that these verses certainly weigh heavy in my own reading of the poem. Though frequently cited in smaller segments hereafter, I wish to quote the initial forty lines in full both for the sake of their sheer beauty and because, as we shall see, they inaugurate Lucretius’ attention to sensuousness and sensuality obtaining throughout the poem. All subsequent renderings from DRN will be mine but here I defer to Anthony Esolen’s verse translation since it so well captures the poet’s enticing urgency.Footnote 1 Whether in Latin or English, I recommend reading these lines aloud before continuing.

Aenedum genetrix, hominum divumque voluptas,
alma Venus, caeli subter labentia signa
quare mare navigerum, quae terras frugiferentis
concelebras, per te quoniam genus omne animantum
concipitur visitque exortum lumina solis:
te, dea, te fugiunt venti, te nubila caeli
adventumque tuum, tibi suavis daedala tellus
summittit flores, tibi rident aequora ponti
placatumque nitet diffuso lumine caelum.
nam simul ac species patefactast verna diei
et reserata viget genitabilis aura favoni,
aeriae primum volucres te, diva, tuumque
significant initum perculsae corda tua vi.
inde ferae pecudes persultant pabula laeta
et rapidos tranant amnis: ita capta lepore
te sequitur cupide quo quamque inducere pergis.
denique per maria ac montis fluviosque rapacis
frondiferasque domos avium camposque virentis
omnibus incutiens blandum per pectora amorem
efficis ut cupide generatim saecla propagent.
quae quoniam rerum naturam sola gubernas
nec sine te quicquam dias in luminis oras
exoritur neque fit laetum neque amabile quicquam,
te sociam studeo scribendis versibus esse
quos ego de rerum natura pangere conor
Memmiadae nostro, quem tu, dea, tempore in omni
omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.
quo magis aeternum da dictis, diva, leporem.
effice ut interea fera moenera militiai
per maria ac terras omnis sopita quiescant.
nam tu sola potes tranquilla pace iuvare
mortalis, quoniam belli fera moenera Mavors
armipotens regit, in gremium qui saepe tuum se
reicit aeterno devictus vulnere amoris,
atque ita suspiciens tereti cervice reposta
pascit amore avidos inhians in te, dea, visus,
eque tuo pendet resupini spiritus ore.
hunc tu, diva, tuo recubantem corpore sancto
circumfusa super, suavis ex ore loquellas
funde petens placidam Romanis, incluta, pacem
(1.1–40).
Mother of Romans, delight of gods and men,
Sweet Venus, who under the wheeling signs of heaven
Rouse the ship-shouldering sea and the fruitful earth
And make them teem – for through you all that breathe
Are begotten, and rise to see the light of the sun;
From you goddess, the winds flee, from you and your coming
Flee the storms of heaven; for you the artful earth
Sends up sweet flowers, for you the ocean laughs
And the calm skies shimmer in a bath of light.
And now, when the gates are wide for spring and its splendor
And the west wind, fostering life, blows strong and free,
Pricked in their hearts by your power, the birds of the air
Give the first sign, goddess, of you and your entering;
Then through the fertile fields the love-wild beasts
Frolic, and swim the rapids (so seized with your charm
They eagerly follow wherever you may lead);
Yes, across seas and mountains and hungering rivers
And the leaf-springing homes of the birds and the greening fields,
Into all hearts you strike your lure of love
That by desire they propagate their kinds.
And since it is you alone who govern the birth
And growth of things, since nothing without you
Can be glad or lovely or rise to the shores of light,
I ask you to befriend me as I try
To pen these verses On the Nature of Things
For my friend Memmius, whom you, goddess, have ever
Caused to excel, accomplished in all things.
All the more, goddess, grant them lasting grace!
In the meantime let the savage works of war
Rest easy, slumbering over land and sea.
For you alone can bless us mortal men
With quiet peace; Mars, potent of arms, holds sway
In battle, but surrenders at your bosom,
Vanquished by the eternal wound of love.
There, his chiseled neck thrown back, he gapes at you,
Goddess, and feeds his greedy eyes with love;
He reclines; his spirit lingers upon your lips.
Melting about him, goddess, as he rests
On your holy body, pour from your lips sweet nothings,
Seeking, renowned one, quiet peace for Rome.

Piercingly stunning verse, but also a bit disorienting. What, we may justifiably ask, is this long poem about? An unambiguous theme, like Achilles’ rage in the Iliad’s first line, appears lacking (“Sing, goddess, the rage of Achilles, son of Peleus” μῆνιν ἄειδε θεὰ Πηληϊάδεω Ἀχιλῆος). As we read on, DRN reveals itself, rather surprisingly, to have a didactic message clad in dactylic hexameter and to be concerned, at least in part, with the physics of purposeless atoms in a universe radically free of divine design or providence.Footnote 2 Strange indeed, and potentially scandalous! Still, at first blush, the poem seems to begin innocently enough with a joyful-sounding hymn to Venus and her sway over fecundity and peace.Footnote 3 Reading further, we may sense that the hero of the teacherly epic is the long-dead philosopher Epicurus, his theories on physics and ethics, the poet himself, or perhaps the audience, or maybe all simultaneously.Footnote 4 The verses propound a philosophy that vaunts itself as the preeminent way of living, a philosophy that also happened to be imported from allegedly soft Greeks conquered by Roman military supremacy.Footnote 5 By Lucretius’ own admission, Latin, as the poem’s target language, is inferior for rendering novel concepts and technical vocabulary from Greek (1.136–39).Footnote 6

Strange also are some of the topics scrutinized in the poem. The author frequently goes on at length, for dozens or hundreds of lines, about subjects as disparate as magnets (6.906–1089)Footnote 7 and the materiality of free will (2.251–293; 4.877–906).Footnote 8 As we just saw, the proem of the first book grins (rident; 1.8) with verdant fertility (1.1–20) while Lucretius apparently ends his work in a hellscape epidemic with faces of the stricken drawn in ghastly smiles (in ore iacens rictum; 6.1195).Footnote 9 The historical moment of the poem’s composition – if not its immediate points of reference – is the final, tumultuous years of the Republic when figures like Cicero, Catiline, Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey dominate high politics and in turn disrupt the lives of Romans at home and abroad.Footnote 10 Lucretius, in counterpoint, insists that living simply and quietly is best (5.1117–19).Footnote 11 The poet’s authorial voice is that of a Roman man addressing Roman men of the ruling class.Footnote 12 But the poem, a protreptic invitation to adopt Epicureanism,Footnote 13 is rife with language, imagery, and an overarching message corrosive to the norms and perquisites enjoyed by these men of elite society.Footnote 14 Flouting both literary genre suggested by the meter and the glory-driven agonism at the heart of Roman masculinity, the epic is not about men at war or dangerous feats, but lucid observation of nature and its harsh realities.Footnote 15 As I read it, perhaps the weirdest, hardest, and most unnerving reality of all for a Roman male audience is the prospect that men might not really be men, not by conventional criteria for assessing masculinity.Footnote 16 If the bodily comportment and vulnerability of Mars is an early indicator, male continence and self-mastery might be in peril.

Far from innocent, the poem, right from the start, is a purposively disquieting assault upon the physical senses and privileged Roman sensibilities for imagining and maintaining a culture of gendered dominance.Footnote 17 How does this attack end? Upon closer reading, Lucretius tips his hand in the very first verse by invoking Aeneas and the fall of Ilion: One polity must die in order to give birth to a new Rome.Footnote 18 And what sort of men and forces will topple the one and found the other? If we break with chronology and permit ourselves a brief comparison to Aeneid 1.1, the first line of DRN might propose suspiciously sub-masculine agents: unarmed and unremarkable people (homines) instead of a man and his weapons (arma virumque).Footnote 19 Delight (voluptas), moreover, seems hardly the stuff to foment social revolution.Footnote 20 As though to instantiate the unmanliness of the venture, the initial verse hums and undulates, soft and liquid (Aeneadum genetrix, hominum divumque voluptas).Footnote 21 Like the apparently innocuous horse that saps Troy, there is something strange, deceptive, alluring, and deeply subversive at play in the poem’s cold opening.Footnote 22 My argument is that the male audience, should they read on, risks breaching their constructed masculinity and falling conquered like Mars a few lines later (devictus; 1.34).Footnote 23 Is voluptas in the final position of verse one playful inducement or a siren call to ruin?

To undertake a fresh analysis of a canonical text requires some situating and some justification. Before settling into the business of making the argument, I think it necessary to explain briefly how I am analyzing the poem and why this effort matters. For those coming to this book with a background in critical theory, you will note common ground throughout the argument. If I were pressed, I would say that the entire study is a sort of queer theoretical reading of DRN, and the queerness of this reading, at least as I see it, emanates from the text. My debt to the labors of Williams, Skinner, Hallett, Nussbaum, Fredrick, Gordon, Olson, and others is obvious.Footnote 24 Indeed, Gordon’s conclusion to her 2002 paper “Some Unseen Monster: Rereading Lucretius on Sex” serves as a practical jumping-off point for this book:

Thus Lucretius – through his astringent description of virile perception, pursuit, and penetration, and through his unmanly valorization of female desire – emerges as a cinaedologus: the poet of a disruptive discourse that recites with too overt an abhorrence the pervasive formulation of both intercourse and the gaze as domination … But my reading recuperates Lucretius’ scathing analysis of sex as a social critique that locates the monster not in the private heart of Lucretius but in the horrific specters of Tityus, Venus Victrix, and the paradigmatic Roman vir. By recognizing the formative role that the harshest Roman realities played in the making of Lucretius’s polemic, my approach finds something both correct and salutary in the dominant culture’s complaint that the Garden was teaching men not to be men.Footnote 25

Regarding methodology, Williams’ Roman Homosexuality, now in its second edition with new responses to subsequent critical assessments, remains a primary touchstone for my own readings of Latin literature and Lucretius especially.Footnote 26 However, in an attempt to avoid retreading ground already traveled better and to train this study directly on Lucretius’ verse, I mostly steer away from engaging the historical march and metalanguages of theory, probably to the relief of some and minor frustration of others. For those encountering this book with a background in ancient philosophy, you too will find many shared points of discussion. One does not write a book about Lucretius if one is not ready to talk about physics and ethics. For the most part, however, on questions of historical development and discrete points of dogma and interpretation both ancient and modern, I refer readers to the magisterial works of Bailey, Asmis, Long, Sedley, Hankinson, Fowler, and Frede, to identify a few.Footnote 27

If my reading appears undertheorized on the one hand and a bit light on historicized philosophical discussion on the other, it is because my first allegiance is to the poetic language and imagery before me, a product of my own love for Latin and preference for allowing ancient verse to reveal its own beauty and difficulties as we encounter it afresh. What the poem says to me, in 2023, is, at a fundamental level, comparable to what it has said in the recent past to Brown, Nugent, Nussbaum, Keith, Gordon, Holmes, and, before them, Stearns, Snyder, and Betensky: There is something destabilizing and troubling about Lucretius’ handling of gender, sexuality, and erotics and it demands attention.Footnote 28 What I seek to add to this existing scholarly conversation is both scale and focus. Outside of Brown’s excellent commentary on the famous verses on love and sex in Book 4, there is no monograph-length inquiry considering gender and sexuality in Lucretius. Moreover, there is no study examining these issues throughout all six books of the poem. This book is an attempt to address that gap and to draw out what I see as a unifying effort across the poem: From the opening proem to the final verses, Lucretius seeks to overthrow the imagined masculinity of Roman men and replace it with a new vision, an Epicurean vision, for what a real man is. As Nugent has so sharply and enduringly noted about patriarchal aspects of the poem, Lucretius is a man writing for men.Footnote 29 I want to complicate this observation by showing that Lucretius’ male audience, if they take his poem seriously, end up acknowledging themselves as beings closer to objects rather than subjects. Male privilege, at least the most virulent strains at Rome, they learn to be a manmade myth.

Individual bias coupled with fondness for a given poet’s verse can blind reader and critic alike to problems in that poetry, from the stylistic to the ethical.Footnote 30 Despite my best attempts, I am sure to demonstrate infelicities of this sort at some point.Footnote 31 However, born from this bias and fondness is one conceit that I wish to bring to the fore in order that it not be mistaken as a blind spot: I am allowing myself to assume that Lucretius, in spite of the inequities and injustices of the time and culture from which he wrote and in spite of his quaint empiricism and outmoded scientific theories, still has something valuable to say to modern audiences. In what might be called a positive or optimistic reading, I cannot help but find some of Lucretius’ criticisms of the domineering masculinity from his own historical context pertinent and even constructive to ours, though I say this with as much caution as I can.Footnote 32 Indeed, it is with some trepidation that I even attempt what is, to some degree, a recuperative reading of Lucretius in light of Sharrock’s incisive and self-consciously despairing argument that Lucretius might prove to be exclusively and irredeemably masculinist in its approach to science/philosophy on the one hand and ethics on the other.Footnote 33 I find myself in a position very similar to Fowler’s when he responded to Nugent’s criticism that Lucretius’ poem only further instantiates all the damaging suppositions of Roman masculinism. Nugent:

In this poem whose raison d’être is to provide a reasoned understanding of the composition of the cosmos and of one’s place in it, the female provides a means of figuring the world but does not possess a mind capable of understanding it.Footnote 34

Fowler:

I want to suggest a possible partial recuperation of the De rerum natura: to suggest that while all that Dr Nugent says is true, there are aspects within Lucretius’ Epicureanism which pull the other way and can be read as endorsing a more nuanced and acceptable view of gender. I hope I am aware here of my own situatedness as a liberal male responding to a paper by a woman, defending my favourite male author against exposure.Footnote 35

I likewise examine that “more nuanced and acceptable view of gender” and, more prominently in this study, how Lucretius goes about presenting it with regard to theme and poetics. Like Fowler, I want to emphasize that the results must only be “partial” because though we might find material to entertain our interest and even to consider as relevant criticisms of our own time and place, Lucretius cannot wholly bear modern apology.Footnote 36 Thus, this study is old-fashioned in that it is a philological analysis of ancient poetry, its language, its rhythms, its texture on the tongue and in the ears, and its imagery. At the same time, it is a product of this particular intellectual and cultural moment since it is concerned with questions of gender, sexuality, and the hazards of unchecked male domination.Footnote 37 Classical literature must never be employed uncritically as a template for modern ethics and justice, but it can serve as a mirror reflecting back at us some discomforting and illuminating features about ourselves that we cannot or do not wish to perceive. On this point I think Sharrock and I agree, that even when – and perhaps especially when – a text refuses to yield readings that comport with twenty-first-century ideas about what is right and what is useful for reforming discourses, culture, and even public policy, we persist in doing theoretically informed “analysis anyway, because the process brings personal and intellectual growth, even if it doesn’t bring answers.”Footnote 38

If Lucretius means to guide readers away from culturally entrenched gender codification and toward more complex and indeterminateFootnote 39 ways of considering human experience,Footnote 40 the effeminizing strangeness of his poem is also a concession to prevailing negative discourses about Epicureanism.Footnote 41 Well before Lucretius entered the scene, Epicurus and adherents to his school in succeeding generations had been polemically framed as suspiciously inactive (inertis) and like delicate boys (delicati pueri; Cic. Nat. D. 1.102).Footnote 42 With a single slur – κιναιδολόγος, “author of corruption” – Epictetus designated Epicurus as irredeemably perverse, effeminate, revolting, and dangerous (D. L. 10.6).Footnote 43 The name Garden did not help.Footnote 44 Perhaps Epicurus did not intend to give his school a suggestive epithet but later critics ruthlessly capitalized on the double entendre offered by κῆπος/hortus. The term means “orchard” or “garden” in a primary sense, but it is readily transferred into derogatory sexual register to indicate “vagina” (e.g., D. L. 2.116) or “anus” (Priap. 5.4), that is to say, the grounds into which the male (and masculine) actor plows his seed.Footnote 45 Heraclitus’ (the commentator on Homer, not the philosopher) derisive assessment of Epicurus pivots on this sort of androcentric innuendo.Footnote 46

οὐδ’ Ἐπικούρου φροντὶς ἡμῖν, ὃς τῆς ἀσέμνου περὶ τοὺς ἰδίους κήπους ἡδονῆς γεωργός ἐστιν

(Alleg. 4.2)

Nor do we have any concern over Epicurus who performs a plowman’s labor of indecent pleasure around his own private garden plot.Footnote 47

The passage can be read plainly with “plowman” meaning “plowman” and “garden” meaning “garden,” but the presence of “indecent pleasure” (τῆς ἀσέμνου ἡδονῆς) shifts it toward sexual metaphor. Note also how Heraclitus forms the relative clause to make κήπους the central ring around (περί) which Epicurus’ exerts his indecently pleasurable labors.Footnote 48 The Garden is like an orifice garnering unseemly autoerotic attention and Epicurus therefore, as Heraclitus asserts, is not a man worth noticing. In De Natura Deorum, when Cicero makes the Academic skeptic Cotta deprecate Leontium, a female Epicurean, he rates her a lowbrow sex worker (meretricula; 1.93).Footnote 49 He then scoffs at the indecency of Epicurus permitting a woman to participate and write philosophical treatises: “Epicurus’ Garden had this much license” (tantum Epicuri hortus habuit licentiae; Nat. D. 1.93). With meretricula and licentia already coloring the passage in a sexual hue, Epicuri hortus ends up sounding like a location for sexual malfeasance. A few sections later Epicurus’ Garden is mentioned again and this time it is not so much locative as anatomical.

mihi quidem etiam Democritus vir magnus in primis, cuius fontibus Epicurus hortulos suos inrigavit, nutare videtur in natura deorum

(Nat. D. 1.120)

Indeed, even Democritus, a great man among foremost men, from whose springs Epicurus wetted his little garden patch, appears to waver on the nature of the gods.

Compared to the intellectual achievements of Democritus, Epicurus’ diminutive little seedbed, as Cicero disparages it, is on the receiving end of that real man’s (vir) fluids.Footnote 50 Cicero makes this obscene wordplay on the name of the philosophical school even more forthright in De Oratore when he dismisses Epicureans as unfit models for ideal statesmen.Footnote 51 The pleasure-advocating philosophy (philosophia quae suscepit patrocinium voluptatis; 3.63) does not really want to involve itself in political matters. Instead,

in hortulis quiescet suis ubi vult, ubi etiam recubans molliter ac delicate nos avocat a rostris, a iudiciis, a curia

(Cic. De or. 3.63)

Epicureanism will take its ease in its little gardens, right where it likes, where, lying down, it softly and effeminately entices us away from the rostra, from the courts, from the senate.

The tableau is plain: Epicureanism pleasures itself in its own little seedbed and offers itself as a soft, delicate, seductive anus or vagina to distract a man of affairs from discharging his duties. The Garden, that is to say Epicureanism, as Cicero mocks it, is sociologically feminine.Footnote 52

To simplify matters a bit, the philosophy’s generally retiring posture (“live quietly” λάθε βιώσας; fr. 551 Us.=Plut. De lat. viv. 1128c8–9) toward traditional aristocratic masculine pursuits like politics (e.g., Epicurus:RS 7, 14; Sent. Vat. 58, 67) or martial exploits (e.g., RS 31) loaned itself to mockery, whether at fourth- and third-century Athens or at late Republican Rome.Footnote 53 As Geert notes of Epicurus’ dictum,

This advice was based on his sincere conviction that happiness could best be reached by avoiding a brilliant career. It is neither the famous politicians nor the celebrated orators who should be regarded as paradigms worthy of imitation, but the man who quietly enjoys the uncomplicated pleasures of a simple and sequestered life. As a rule, this preference for an “unnoticed life” should be consistently maintained until one’s last hour: λάθε βιώσας culminates in λάθε ἀποβιώσας [“die quietly”].Footnote 54

For us in the twenty-first century, caught up in a changing climate and relentless exploitation of natural resources, modest living and minimalism might seem altogether virtuous.Footnote 55 Yet, conscientious refusal to perform illustrious deeds and speak notable words in public – and eschewing all associated costs and rewards, social and material – was tantamount to rejecting the most basic scripts for Athenian or Roman masculinity.Footnote 56 Furthermore, as Gordon demonstrates, Epicureanism’s relative inclusiveness toward female participants and even slaves, legally and socially disenfranchised members in both Greek and Roman polities, offered additional fodder to its critics.Footnote 57 Social and physical proximity to members of these marginalized underclasses of Rome who were culturally prescribed objects of male contempt and sexual aggression risked blurring or transgressing lines of male status and personhood.Footnote 58

For Cicero, at least, the fundamental strangeness and corrosiveness of Epicureanism was the notion that virtue could somehow be derived from inactivity and pleasure.Footnote 59 When theorizing how to establish states and cities on a secure footing and how to ensure a citizenry’s health (Leg. 1.37), Cicero explicitly rejects any contribution from Epicurean thinking.

sibi autem indulgentis et corpori deservientis atque omnia, quae sequantur in vita quaeque fugiant, voluptatibus et doloribus ponderantis, etiamsi vera dicunt … in hortulis suis iubeamus dicere atque etiam ab omni societate rei publicae, cuius partem nec norunt ullam neque umquam nosse voluerunt, paulisper facessant rogemus

(Cic. Leg. 1.39)

On the other hand, those who indulge the body and serve it in every way, what they pursue, what they flee in life, those who weigh things out in view of pleasures and pains, even if they speak the truth – … let us command them to speak in their silly little gardens and let us demand that they retreat for a while from the commonwealth’s society, of which they know nothing nor desire to know.

According to Cicero, even if Epicureans stumble upon something true, they should not be heeded because their moral criterion is the body as it reckons pleasure and plain.Footnote 60 That Epicureans should have no say in the affairs of the state is Cicero’s main argument, but the way he makes it points up the issue of the philosophy’s eccentricity.Footnote 61 Epicureans are self-indulgent and slave-like and, like women and others of low status, they are ignorant about the high-minded pursuit of statecraft. Best of all is for them neither to be seen nor heard so that, sequestered away, they do not threaten the solidity of the state (res publica firmanda) or the wellbeing of the populace (populus sanandus; Cic. Leg. 1.37). In contradistinction to the firm body politic, the indulged and cosseted bodies of Epicureans are soft. They are fit only for engaging in empty talk with each other in their hortuli, “little garden patches.”Footnote 62 In this mash-up of legitimate tenets (e.g., hedonist calculus) and polemics (e.g., slaves to bodily pleasures), Epicureans come out as supple voluptuaries, people who will be told what to do and where. Such “erotic distraction,” notes Edwards, was “felt to divert a man from his public responsibilities. In neglecting the public good for the pursuit of his private desires he became like a woman, in Roman eyes.”Footnote 63 To follow Cicero, Epicureans’ questionable masculinity might be tolerated within the state, but their voices have no say in its establishment or in the morals of its populace. The province of these Epicureans is to take it, quietly, perhaps a sarcastic rejoinder to Epicurus’ maxim (λάθε βιώσας).

Elsewhere, Cicero is more explicit in his dismissal of Epicureans as effeminate and delicate. Regarding the philosophical proposition that pain is the chief evil (summus malus dolor), Cicero counts Epicurus as one who “offers himself readily submissive to that languid and womanly teaching” (ad hanc enervatam muliebremque sententiam satis docilem se Epicurus praebuit; Tusc. 2.15).Footnote 64 Through the persona of Cotta, Cicero chides Epicureans for acting as though they “disdain soft and delicate pleasures” (aspernari Epicureos mollis et delicatas voluptates; Nat. d. 1.113). This is piquant language, as Williams has shown.

How precisely could a slur of effeminacy be made by Roman writers? Often the language is direct: a man may be said not to be a “man” (male vir, parum vir, and the like) or he, his behavior, or his attributes can be described as effeminatus (“effeminate”) or muliebris (“womanish”). Less direct, but equally meaningful, is metaphorical language depicting a man or his attributes as being the opposite of the tough man of action: delicatus (“delicate”), enervis (“enervated” or “sinewless”), and fractus (“broken”). But above all, to call a man mollis (“soft”) or to associate him with mollitia (“softness”) makes the point that he is not fully masculine.Footnote 65

Whether offering himself pliable (docilem se praebere) or feigning as though he does not enjoy soft pleasures (mollis voluptates), the Epicurean man is depicted by Cicero with language relegating him to a position of sexual receptivity and, therefore, deviance.Footnote 66

The short, famous, and grammatically challenging mention of Lucretius in one of Cicero’s letters perhaps reinforces this stereotype of Epicureans as unmanly.Footnote 67 “As you write, Lucretius’ verses are graced with much inventive brilliance, yet skill too” (Lucreti poemata ut scribis ita sunt, multis luminibus ingeni, multae tamen artis; Cic. Q Fr. 2.10.3).Footnote 68 Cicero then goes on state, “But when you arrive, if you read Sallust’s Empedoclea, I will consider you a real man. I will not think you a mere person” (sed cum veneris. virum te putabo si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo; Q Fr. 2.10.3). Sidestepping the issue of interpreting this somewhat cryptic assessment of the artistic merits of Lucretius’ verses, we can see that Cicero perhaps sets up a derisive comparison in chiastic form: Reading Empedoclean material will make you a vir.Footnote 69 In tacit counterpoint, reading the Epicurean poem, though artfully composed, is the stuff of a homo. At this point Walters’ disambiguation of vir and homo deserves quoting in full.

The term that we usually translate by “man” (in the strict sense of “a male human being”) is of restricted usage in Latin: not all males are accorded that designation. First, it is restricted to adult males: males who have not attained the state of adulthood are not called viri; instead they are described as pueri, adulescentes, or other terms that define them as not yet fully grown. Male slaves too (and ex-slaves), even if adult, are not normally called viri: the preferred designation for them is homines (which is also used in elite literature for low-class and disreputable men), or pueri.

Vir, therefore, does not simply denote an adult male; it refers specifically to those adult males who are freeborn Roman citizens in good standing, those at the top of the Roman social hierarchy. A term that first appears to refer to biological sex in fact is a description of gender- as-social-status, and the gender term itself is intimately interwoven with other factors of social status (birth and citizenship status, and respectability in general) that to us might not seem relevant to gender. When, therefore, we see “men” characterized in Roman discourse as sexually impenetrable penetrators, we find that this characterization, seemingly a simple matter of what is gender-appropriate in the field of sexuality, is in reality more complex, anchored in a wider pattern of social status within which “gender” itself is embedded. Not all males are men, and therefore impenetrable: some males – the young and the unfree, for example – do not have the status of full men and are therefore characterized as potentially penetrable by other males. The boundary between the penetrable and the impenetrable is as much a matter of social status in general as it is of “gender.”Footnote 70

Reading the short excerpt from Cicero’s letter with sensitivity to this distinction also coheres with Gordon’s point that when Cicero elsewhere appraises Epicurus as a vir optimus, an “exemplary man,” it is clearly sarcastic since he is in the act of deprecating the philosopher’s teachings on scorning pain and death (mortis dolorisque contemptio; Tusc. 2.43).Footnote 71 We could continue at length multiplying examples from Cicero and others, but one final selection from Seneca serves to show that the polemical mold had staying power in the ancient world.

tantum inter Stoicos, Serene, et ceteros sapientiam professos interesse quantum inter feminas et mares non immerito dixerim, cum utraque turba ad vitae societatem tantundem conferat, sed altera pars ad obsequendum, altera imperio nata sit. ceteri sapientes molliter et blande, ut fere domestici et familiares medici aegris corporibus, non qua optimum et celerrimum est medentur sed qua licet; Stoici virilem ingressi viam non ut amoena ineuntibus videatur curae habent, sed ut quam primum nos eripiat et in illum editum verticem educat, qui adeo extra omnem teli iactum surrexit, ut supra fortunam emineat.

(Sen. Constant. 2.1)

I could justifiably assert, Serenus, that there is as much difference between the Stoics and the other philosophers professing wisdom as between females and males since both crowds are equally involved in community life. Yet one group was born for obeying, the other to rule. Some philosophize softly and seductively, almost like household doctors who do not treat ailing bodies by what is best and fastest but by what is permitted. The Stoics have made traveling the manly path their concern, not so that it might appear pleasant to those also approaching it, but so that it may immediately take us and lead us to those towering heights which rise so high beyond every spear castFootnote 72 that they loom over fortune itself.

Seneca does not need to identify which school plies its trade softly and seductively.Footnote 73 He can safely assume his readership knows exactly which womanish philosophers cultivate enjoyable distractionsFootnote 74 rather than embark on a manly journey. Everyone already knows that Epicureans are natural subordinates.

Throughout this present study, I both assume and try to prove that Lucretius consciously accepted this derogatory paradigm and manipulated it toward his own poetic, philosophical, and protreptic ends. I can best communicate the essence of my reading of DRN by composing a brief speech in the character of Lucretius’ poetic voice to his aristocratic male audience: 

What you have heard about Epicurean men is true. We acknowledge that we are vulnerable, that our bodies are soft, receptive, and ineluctably permeable.Footnote 75 At every moment we are taking into our pores and orifices material imposed upon us by the laws of physics. From the smallest particles composing our bodies, we are built to be receptacles. Every sense perception and every human interaction – momentary touch, conversation, memory, sight – is an instantiation of our own corporeal penetrability. We Epicureans are not impregnable men as you think yourselves to be, and neither are you. No matter how powerful you fancy yourself, no matter your status in society, you are submissive before the forces of nature. You will not find happiness in all your vain attempts to perform masculinity as you imagine it. So ready your ears to receive some words of hard truth (vacuas auris … | … adhibe veram ad rationem; 1.50–51).Footnote 76 You might find the experience rather pleasurable.

(lepos; 1.28, 934; 4.9)

We have already roughed out what socially fabricated masculinity looked like for men of status in late Republican Rome. Without wading through the expansive and ever-growing corpus of scholarship reconstructing this cultural artifact, let me trace some additional outlines.Footnote 77 A male at Rome proved himself a vir by varying forms of agonism and violence. Battlefields, courts, assemblies, and political canvassing were all public venues for winning and retaining externally assessed manliness. At a more personal level, a Roman man curated his virtus by enduring physical and emotional hardship, by regulating his speech, dress, and bodily comportment in order to convey no sign of effeminacy, and in all matters sexual by acting in such a way as to avoid any suspicion of orificial receptivity. Manliness was not necessarily demonstrated in sexual violence toward other parties, but culturally ensconced assumptions that “masculine” entailed activity/infliction while “effeminate” involved passivity/suffering perhaps weighted accepted and expected sexual practices of a vir toward aggression and force. Certainly, public accusation or even insinuation that a man was the object of a sexual act, or worse, enjoyed the incursion, could be devastating to reputation and career. In public, on campaign, in private chambers, a Roman man must assert himself.

Lucretius’ poem, as an effort to establish the superiority of Epicurus’ teachings and as an invitation to embrace them, collides directly with this deeply embedded script for performing, maintaining, and policing masculinity. As we will see, rather than seek to soften the clash, Lucretius, over the course of his poem, sharpens it by playing up just how unavoidably effeminate nature reveals every man to be. Lucretius does not seek to erase masculinity altogether but instead to reorient virtus toward a much-circumscribed goal of rational and ethical assertiveness. It is no coincidence that the first instance of the term itself, virtus, used sparingly by Lucretius, describes the intellectual acuity of Epicurus (acrem | … animi virtutem; 1.69–70) rather than exploits of a typical man of action. The other five occurrences of virtus are telling. One occurs in reference to the poem’s addressee, Memmius (tua … virtus; 1.140).Footnote 78 Whatever reputation of manliness attained by the statesmanFootnote 79, mention of it here is stripped of any sense of male agonism since it is placed in the context of Lucretius seeking the “pleasure” of Memmius’ “sweet friendship” (voluptas/sauvis amicitiae; 1.140–41) – not exactly a heroic sounding locution.Footnote 80 Other instances are similarly denuded of traditional androcentrism since they refer to the survival faculties of both sexes of wild animals (5.858, 862–63) and primitive humans (5.966).Footnote 81 The only instance of virtus in a setting featuring male aggression comes in the description of boys (pueri) who perform a martial dance (chorea; 2.635) in cultic celebration, an enterprise which Lucretius dismisses immediately as being “far afield from rational thinking” (longe … a vera ratione; 2.645).Footnote 82 Lucretius reminds his audience what a real man is at the opening of Book 6 where Epicurus is rated a vir on account of his “great mind” (virum tali cum corde; 6.5). By the poem’s end, manliness and the point of being a man confound the polemics of Cicero. As with every other ethical principle in the poem, Lucretius’ understanding of Epicurus’ materialist physics generates both the cause and urgency of his project to reimagine Roman masculinity and to redirect its aim toward lucid observation and thinking.Footnote 83 To this atomist physics we now must turn.

Lucretius does not wait long to introduce one of the two fundamental laws of Epicurean physics. Between the famed Mars and Venus tableau (1.29–43) and initial criticism of religio (1.62–65), Lucretius shoehorns in a handful of verses about atoms, their role in the universe, and the suite of terms he employs to discuss them.

disserere incipiam et rerum primordia pandam,
unde omnis natura creet res auctet alatque
quove eadem rursum natura perempta resolvatFootnote 84
quae nos materiem et genitalia corpora rebus
reddunda in ratione vocare et semina rerum
appellare suemus et haec eadem usurpare
corpora prima, quod ex illis sunt omnia primis
(1.55–61)

I shall begin to sow my argument and reveal the basic units of what is, how nature creates, augments, and nourishes all things, and whither nature releases these basic units when they have been unbound. In laying out the argument, we are accustomed to call these units matter and the bodies that generate things and the seeds of things. We also are accustomed to call them primal bodies because from these primal units all things exist.

Atoms are the inscrutably minute building blocks of nature that at times come together and at times dissolve.Footnote 85 The names and qualifiers that Lucretius gives them suggest a cyclically reproductive-like function (materies from mater, genitalia, semina) while their function in nature is something procreative (creare).Footnote 86 Indeed, since Friedländer’s important study, this generative language has been noted.Footnote 87 Anderson’s comments are instructive:

Lucretius seems to derive “atomological” significance from the common syllables in terra and mater, and the expression Terra Mater sometimes in conjunction with materies, one of the metaphorical terms for the atoms (cf. 1.249 ff., 2.991 ff.). These metaphorical terms (“seeds,” “bodies”) indicate the basic creative force in the atoms; and indeed the atoms contract metaphorical “marriages” and engage in “sexual intercourse,” all under the inspiration of Venus genetrix.Footnote 88

I would add that even at this early point in the poem, Lucretius introduces lactic or suckling language with alere, an image of oral intake that will pay dividends throughout the poem. Note also that Lucretius pairs auctare with female lactation, at root a term more at home in traditional masculine interests of strength and influence (i.e., auctor).Footnote 89 But much more on this interplay of language and imagery later.

Perhaps more readily noticeable in the lines cited above is the term semina for “atoms.” No statement in this paragraph will be without controversy in the history and interpretation of Epicurean physiology, ancient and modern, and I direct the reader to Fowler’s excellent discussion for a digest of these challenges.Footnote 90 What I want to bring to the fore is the reproductive valence Lucretius employs to present this physics.Footnote 91 As Lucretius later figures them, atoms are eternally existing seeds (aeternum semen) that cannot be utterly (ad nilum) destroyed (1.215–24; cf. 1.485–86). They are infinite in number (1.1008–20) but finite in size and shape so that, for example (2.478–531), there are numberless worlds but a limited range of materials of which any given world can consist. Atoms’ primal motion is downward through the universe like falling drops of fluid (imbris … guttae; 2.222), language elsewhere associated with semen (2.991–93; 4.1286–87). Completely independent of any external force or design, atoms also can swerve (declinare; 2.216–22). The inevitability of motion along with this deviation from a downward trajectory allows for atomic collision to be born (offensus natus … plaga creata), altered courses of motion, and atomic cohesion ranging from simple molecules all the way up the scale to worlds (2.223–24).Footnote 92 Without the semina swerving, ramming into each other, and sticking together, “nature would never have given birth to anything” (nil umquam natura creasset; 2.224). Everything that exists is comprised of atoms and every complex of atoms, whether a living thing like a gnat or a non-animated thing like a mountain, is constantly dispersing (e.g., dispergere, amittere) seminal atoms from itself (1.298–328). Perpetual atomic replenishment is impossible, and everything, except the atoms themselves, has a half-life and must decay (2.1122–74).

The second fundamental principle of physics is untouchable space or empty void (locus est intactus inane vacansque; 1.334).Footnote 93 As with atoms, any comment on Epicurean theory of void comes with its own set of debates and interpretive challenges.Footnote 94 These I wish to sidestep to train my focus on Lucretius’ poetics in presenting the concept of space. Void must logically be part of materialist physics, according to Lucretius, because void allows for movement of atoms and movement allows for atomic collision and cohesion, the importance of which we just noted.Footnote 95 For the moment, my attention is not on Lucretius’ physics of void at the scale of cosmogony, but rather at the level of human bodies. Here too the concept of void plays vital roles. At 1.329–30, after setting forth that atoms comprise all things that exist, Lucretius states that “nevertheless, not all atomic composites are held tightly packed by nature, for there is also void in things” (nec tamen undique corporea stipata tenentur | omnia natura; namque est in rebus inane). A few lines later Lucretius offers proofs for his claim.

praeterea quamvis solidae res esse putentur,
hinc tamen esse licet raro cum corpore cernas.
in saxis ac speluncis permanat aquarum
liquidus umor et uberibus flent omnia guttis.
dissipat in corpus sese cibus omne animantum
(1.346–50)
Moreover, no matter how solid things may be thought to be, here you may nevertheless observe that things exist with porous bodies: in stones and caves moving water secretes through and everywhere leaks with milky drops. Food disperses itself throughout the whole body of every living thing.

To depict how the void within stone renders it porous, Lucretius opts for the language of human bodily functions: humors, secretions, incontinence.Footnote 96 Lucretius also employs uber, a distinctly non-masculine-sounding term to refer to rock’s permeability. Although as an adjective uber by transferal means “copious” or “rich,” the noun from which it is derived, also uber, at base means breast or nipple when applied to women. Lucretius employs the noun in just this way later in the poem (5.885; cf. 1.886–87). Given the following line dealing with living bodies and nourishment, and the earlier language of bodily secretions, I think we are justified to express the lactic sense of uberibus. But note also that the adjective modifies guttis, a term that we stated above is linked to semen elsewhere in the poem. This is a strange confounding of imagery: unyielding as it may seem, observation proves stone to be rife with pouches and passageways of void and thus incontinent, always susceptible to semen- and milk-like seepage.Footnote 97 Similarly, the surface of the earth is not covered with an impermeable crust, but instead it has “soft fields” (mollia terrae | arva 5.780–81). If so for rocks and earth’s solid shell, so much more for human bodies that are far spongier, more porous sieves. No matter how unyielding and self-restrained a man may imagine himself to be, the pockets of void throughout his body render him analogous to a woman’s uber or a leaky penis rather than the robur of masculine toughness in Roman imagination.Footnote 98 Put in a simple equation, if there is void in things (est in rebus inane), those things are, to varying degrees, necessarily mollia, “soft” (1.567–69), a term that we have already noted was especially fraught for Roman men.

Moreover, however resilient we might think our bodies are, nature compels us to confess their weakness and permeability.

nam certe fluere atque recedere corpora rebus
multa manus dandum est; sed plura accedere debent,
donec alescendi summum tetigere cacumen.
inde minutatim vires et robor adultum
frangit et in partem peiorem liquitur aetas.
quippe etenim quanto est res amplior, augmine adempto,
et quo latior est, in cunctas undique partis
plura modo dispargit et ab se corpora mittit,
nec facile in venas cibus omnis diditur ei
nec satis est, proquam largos exaestuat aestus,
unde queat tantum suboriri ac subpeditare.
iure igitur pereunt, cum rarefacta fluendo
sunt et cum externis succumbunt omnia plagis
(2.1128–40)
For certainly we must concede that many atoms stream and ebb from things. However, more atoms must join themselves to a thing until it has reached the full limit of nourishment. Thereupon age shatters, little by little, the powers and matured strength of the thing and it wastes away. Because surely to what degree a thing is larger and more extensive, once augmentation ceases, to the same degree it disperses and issues from itself atoms in all directions. Food is not easily distributed in all of its veins and this amount of food is not sufficient for new growth to rise up and replenish what it gushes forth in great torrents. All things necessarily perish when they become rarified by outflow and succumb to external blows.

External assaults master (domare) everyone, Lucretius goes on to conclude (2.1143). Grant, if you will, that a man does attain to a relative degree of strength (robor), soon enough that apparently hard body will reveal itself to be incontinent and squirting (dispargere/mittere) in every direction (in cunctas undique partis). In fact, his robor is only maintained by constant nurturing or suckling (alescendum), again to drive straight to the root of the term as Lucretius uses it a few lines later (alit; 2.1156). No longer nursed along, age (aetas) breaks (frangere) his robor and it necessarily succumbs to external blows (externae plagae). The reality is that, in the aggregate, all the imperceptibly minute pouches of void inherent to his atomic structure make him a leaky vessel requiring a continual influx of material for maintenance and growth. But when a man can no longer receive sufficient material to fill up these ever-vacuating receptacles at the micro level, his body as a whole begins to become a gaping void (rarefactum) destined for collapse. The physics of atomic motion and void, as Lucretius depicts it, is inescapably emasculating. A man is like a lactating breast on the one hand, but also in need of constant suckling on the other. He is like an ejaculating phallus, but one that cannot maintain its rigidity or control its emissions. Whether as source or recipient of atomic flow, the male body appears only tenuously resilient and inevitably soft. When nourishment runs dry, a man becomes an unfillable hole. And then he will be mastered. What the man’s invisible pockets of void want, what his body needs to stave off disintegration, is repeated ingestion of semina, to use Lucretius’ parlance. I will have much more to say on this theme of emasculation, male softness, and various forms of atomic insemination in subsequent chapters. For the present, let us now, in preparation for later discussions, consider how Lucretius accounts for embodied awareness based upon the physics of atoms and void.

Lucretius’ Epicurean empiricism is founded on unwavering trust in sense perceptions, so long as what is perceived is correctly interpreted and accurate inferences result from it (4.478–521; cf. Epicurus Ep. Hdt. 46–53, RS 23, 24).Footnote 99 These senses are the traditional five – sight, touch, smell, hearing, taste (4.217–33) – plus an additional mode of perception, mental receptivity (mens, animus; 4.722–31).Footnote 100 All six Lucretius treats as physical operations of bodily organs, or, to keep it closer to Lucretius’ terminology, the senses are corporeal. The sensing organ, the sensation, and the trigger of sensation are all composed of atoms.Footnote 101 How does this work? As we noted earlier, in Epicurean physics, atoms move, collide, and interact because space or void allows for motion. Therefore, a working schema for the physics underlying corporeal sensation is as follows: (1) sensation triggering material from a source is in motion (2) and in its trajectory strikes and enters the sensing organ, (3) whereupon the sense organ both houses the infiltrating material trigger and materially responds to its presence.Footnote 102 All three facets we can see in a case of sight where a seen thing (1) has seeds in its body (in corpore) that are released (semina … inmissa), (2) move to the seeing thing’s eyes (oculis), and bore into its pupils (pupillas interfodiunt), (3) producing in the seeing thing physical pain (acremque dolorem; 4.714–16). To augment this outline a bit more, we need to recall that all atomic compounds, no matter their size or apparent hardness, are lattice works of atoms that encapsulate pockets and passages of space/void. So, following Lucretius’ explanation of taste, if we were to zoom in on the surface of a human tongue until we could see it at microscopic level, it might look something like a sieve (rara lingua) with gaps (caulae, foramina, fauces, viae) amid a web of solid tissue. And if we were to train our view on these gaps as the person chewed a mouthful of apple, we would observe atoms or simple molecules (corpora, semina) of the masticated apple moving and entering those gaps (penetrare). The varying sensations (sensus) of taste occur – sweet, bitter, acidic, and so on – as these corporeal semina pleasurably (suaviter attingunt, suaviter tractant) or painfully (pungunt, lacerant) contact the sensing surfaces of the interstices within the tongue (4.617–71).

The mechanics of sense perception, as Lucretius theorizes it, is inevitably particulate and therefore intimate. That is to say, when I smell an odor, it is because atoms have sheared off something, entered my nose, and lodged within it. Or, to underscore the intimacy involved, when I smell you, the aroma of the toiletries you use, your body’s natural scent, or whatever other odor emanates from you, stuff from you has breached my nasal orifices and infiltrated the latticed tissues within my nose (4.673–705). What is true for sight, taste, and smell holds for hearing (4.595–614) and even touch (“it is inevitable that touch and sight are moved by similar cause” necessest | consimili cause tactum visumque moveri; 4.232–33), Lucretius avers. If we are occupying proximate space, the only way I can recognize your existence is by transfer of material from you into me. A casual glance your way, your atoms are in me. I hear your voice, whether or not you are addressing me, your atoms have struck my senses (inpellere sensus; 4.527) and are now in me. Lovers share a kiss and the material vestiges of pesto from the one’s lunch pass into the pores of the other’s tongue. Awareness of you, at any level, means that some of you has entered me. Even if you are distant, I can picture you in my thoughts because particulate traces of your face move speedily across spaces to impinge upon my mind (4.798–99). Awareness, simply stated, is unavoidably intimate. The problem, at least for an elite Roman man who presumes orificial integrity and entitlement to act, is that sense functions conferred by physics do not support claims of exclusive, assertive subjectivity in this eroticized world of human experience. The percipient male is the penetrated male, whether he likes it or not.

One might find those previous two sentences overstated, a case of the interested critic conjuring what the critic wants to see. However, if we look closely at the linguistic and figural apparatus Lucretius employs to explain and depict the senses, we find abundant evidence that Lucretius is indeed sexualizing the phenomenon of percipience and demonstrating that men are not exempt from ingressive and egressive corporeal traffic. As we might expect in discussions on sense perception, Lucretius employs expected and somewhat colorless terms like sentire (“sense” e.g., 4.229), cernere (“detect” e.g., 4.229), and percipere (“perceive” e.g., 4.24). Similarly, when referring to a specific sense, Lucretius uses innocuous terms like tueri (“see” 4.332) and odorari (“smell” 4.229). Given the physics involved, it is not surprising that Lucretius often emphasizes the action of the particles inducing the sense perception within the sense receptacles. Thus, for example, we find atomic material entering (inire; 4.339) or passing through (perlabi; 4.248; transire; 4.249) eyes to produce sight. The sense organs themselves Lucretius calls by their normal names (e.g., oculi; 4.257; aures; 4.486; lingua; 4.624), though, as we noted, he frequently zooms in to the microscale and refers to the permeable apertures (foramina, caulae, fauces, viae) of bodily tissues comprising the organs. Sometimes at the microscale of pores, sometimes at the macro level of orifices, Lucretius opts for more sensual language. Various material stimuli can “touch” (tangere; 4.224) or “titillate” (titillare; 2.429) or “stroke” (mulcere 2.422) the senses. Combination of this more intimate diction with the clinical-sounding procreation language noted above (e.g., semina inmissa, penetrare) shifts Lucretius’ depiction of percipience toward a semantic realm that trades upon anatomy and genital sensations. More disturbingly, however, as we broaden our survey, we encounter a slate of terms trending toward force and violence, often with a sexual hue.

Putting increased emphasis on material moving across corporeal boundaries, Lucretius frequently refers to atoms infiltrating (e.g., insinuare; 4.331) the human body at scales both minute and large. We should pause momentarily to appreciate that the basic meaning of insinuare indicates motion “into a cavity/hollow” (in + sinus). Moreover, we should note that sinus bears a sexual connotation limited almost strictly to vagina or womb.Footnote 103 An overly literal rendering of a line from Ovid serves as an instructive example: “She is touched and conceives, since her sinus was touched” (tangitur et tacto concipit illa sinu; Fast. 5.256).Footnote 104 In Lucretius’ hand, the use of insinuare to depict ineluctable atomic penetration figures the penetrated object as female anatomy, regardless of the biological sex or sociological gender of the insinuated.Footnote 105 But the most common terminology to express material contact and ingress resulting in sense perception is not sensual at all. Instead, it is intimately violent. Atomic effluences assault and force the senses – pores and organs – in all manner of ways. Atoms in motion “attack” (lacessere; 4.217), “strike” (ferire; 4.243), “beat” (tundere; 4.934), “dash” (pulsare; 4.882), “gash” (verberare; 4.259), “hack” (rescindere; 2.406), “injure” (laedere; 4.721), “rupture” (perrumpere; 2.407), “stab” (compungere; 2.432), and “batter” (pellere; 4.525). This list is not exhaustive. In addition to their basic meaning of transitive violent force, nearly all of these words have a sexual valence as well, and since we are dealing with sense perception derived from contacted and penetrated bodily receptacles, we must entertain this range of meaning as we encounter this language.Footnote 106

The unifying sexualized sense of this group of terms hinges on an empowered androcentric erotics of aggressor–victim/object. In such a schema, victims of these violent actions are women, boys, girls, slaves, and humiliated men of status. Objects are their bodily orifices: vaginas, mouths, and anuses. With an eye toward sexualized discourse intrinsic to such a corporeal system, Nugent has already drawn critical attention to bodies as permeable receptors of violent ingress.

The human being considered strictly as a physical object, the “generic” Lucretian body, is remarkably porous, an open field traversed by forces. In its predisposition to pathology (i.e., from the point of view of its inevitable mortality) the body is honeycombed with orifices potentially open to assault or rape by exterior forces.Footnote 107

The real man, as Lucretius reforms him over the course of the poem, is one who can accept this harsh fact: The price of sense perception and wisdom gained from it is a body subject to aggressive commerce across its borders. “You will discover,” Lucretius says directly to his male audience, “that recognition of truth is given birth by the senses first and that the senses cannot be refuted” (invenies primis ab sensibus esse creatam | notitiem veri neque sensus posse refelli; 4.478–79).Footnote 108 The imagery is one of parturition with the man’s eyes, ears, and so on, becoming wombs that receive the incoming material data from the natural world and in turn birth within him awareness of reality. The sense of compulsion in the future tense invenies is echoed by the incontestable offspring of his uterine orifices. Nature will force you to understand, O Man.

We begin to recognize how discomfiting this proposition must have seemed to the audience: Lucretius, a Roman man purveying Epicurean theories of sense perception to Memmius, a Roman man, imagines every man’s sense-perceiving organs and the tissues comprising them as sexually violable receptacles.Footnote 109 To put it more bluntly, a man’s percipience of the world around him and his place in it is a naturally occurring byproduct of suffering continuous and ineluctable atomic invasion all over one’s body.Footnote 110 Maria Wyke’s assessment helps us appreciate the tension: 

By virtue of its direct contact with the outside world, the body is a necessary feature of social identity. The Romans marked differences in age, status, class, sex, and religious or political role visibly with the colour-coding and decorative bands of their dress. The Roman male citizen was defined through his body: the dignity and authority of a senator being constituted by his gait, his manner of wearing the toga, his oratorical delivery, his gestures. In the practices of the Roman world, the surface of the male body is thus fully implicated in definitions of power and civic responsibility.Footnote 111

The power implicated on that corporeal surface is predicated, in part, on a fictional discourse of impermeability, a force field that nature happily transgresses at every turn. Like his master who broke through the seemingly impervious gates of nature’s laws (1.70–71), Lucretius is going to force his audience through that cultural facade, in and out, out and in, over and over, in a merciless demonstration of male and female porosity.Footnote 112 Lucretius hijacks men’s gaze to compel the reader to regard his own body so intensely that he enters it in an autoeroticizing meditation of his every opening, fissure, and hole. Such introspection is therapeutic, in theory, and leads to the birth of a new man free of the desires, anxieties, and fears foisted upon him by virtue of society’s pre-constructed male gender.Footnote 113 The poem, then, is a guide to becoming one’s own man.

Because this is a book-length investigation of one discourse, with its terms and figures, within a single poem, recurrent analyses of key passages and a certain degree of repetition is inevitable.Footnote 114 It also happens to reflect the spiral-like recursivity of the poem’s structure and Lucretius’ penchant for recycling language and images – perhaps a meta-figure of the perpetual cycle of atoms.Footnote 115 I return frequently, for example, to the purple proems and the discussion on sex and love in Book 4, and to themes like procreation, orifices, eating, secreting, receptivity, and the unsettling, and perhaps titillating, strangeness of the poem for its male audience. Each visit to these passages will be freighted with new information to reinterpret and rethink what we might persuade ourselves to be settled. And, of course, every literary work has its own language and to gain fluency we need repeated exposure to the author’s linguistic, syntactic, and figural paradigms.

I can imagine that some may suspect that this treatment of Lucretius will be oversexed, especially since the didactic epic is, at base, concerned with atoms and emptiness (mixtum corpus inani; 6.941). My rebuttal is that we are nearly always at risk of underappreciating sexuality in ancient literature. Sissa’s introduction to the sexualized world of Rome is a useful corrective for misgivings about overemphasizing sexuality. It deserves to be cited at length:

The division of the sexes and their coming together formed the nucleus of ancient reflections on sexuality. These were societies that never forgot this difference, particularly when it came to dividing spheres of activity. Politics, business and war were for men. Rearing children and tending to the household were the task of women. Ritual occasions, such as religious festivals or funerals, could be shared, but, even then, gender roles could not be confused. Moments and places, as well as behavior and manners, were always either male or female. The social construction of gender through, for example, manly or womanly dress, speech or conduct always took place on this terrain. It was something that no one could be blind to. Mediterranean cultures … extended sexual difference to all aspects of life, and encouraged an extreme sensitivity towards it. The world was sexualized and there was no room for neutral areas. Were men to act like women or women intrude into the realm of male prerogatives, this would always be a transgression, a trespassing; never a proof of indifference to gender boundaries. Were a biological, historical process to entail a transition from feminine traits to masculine traits (as in the case of male puberty), or from manliness to effeminacy (as occurs in the progress of civilization), this would be perceived as a radical change rather than a marginal variation.Footnote 116

Lucretius’ poem is an act of intrusion and transgression of this very sort, and it invites its male readership to trespass gender boundaries into a revised domain of male prerogatives.Footnote 117

The argument proceeds over the course of five subsequent chapters. Chapters 24 combine to form a substantial survey and analysis of Lucretius’ language, imagery, physics, and poetics directed toward unseating assumptions of masculine exceptionalism. The program will trace a man’s life, from pre-conception to final decomposition. Chapter 2, “Humbled Beginnings,” is a revised and expanded version of the article “Embryology, Female Semina, and Male Vincibility in De Rerum Natura.”Footnote 118 The chapter takes us to the moment of biological conception and explores the question of male autonomy in embryonic fertilization and development. We will follow Lucretius’ lead into the reproductive organs of men and women to show how generative material supplied by female and male sexual partners both competes and cooperates at conception. What Lucretius reveals in forceful language and imagery is that men are impotent in the face of universal physics and that female reproductive assertiveness gives the lie to exclusive male dominion from the moment when genetic material from both parents first coheres in utero.

From microscopic beginnings, we move on to Chapter 3, “Nature’s Assault upon the Senses,” and examine how Lucretius depicts a man’s tactile experience with the phenomenal world around him. We resume the above discussion about sense perception and violence and delve further into the campaign Lucretius wages against presumed subjectivity. This chapter is a combination of two previously published articles (“Ocular Penetration, Grammatical Objectivity, and an Indecent Proposal in De Rerum NaturaFootnote 119 and “Seminal Verse: Atomic Orality and Aurality in De Rerum NaturaFootnote 120) both of which have undergone revision and expansion for the present volume. The weight of inquiry falls especially on sight and hearing, which are, perhaps not coincidentally, the primary modes of experiencing the poem or – to put it more in Lucretius’ parlance – the senses being assailed by the poem itself. Shown to be less than powerful in the womb in Chapter 2, here we find that Lucretius alters this uterine imagery to prove that men and their sense orifices are involuntary, womb-like repositories for nature’s inseminating forces.

From conception and lived experience, we proceed to death in Chapter 4. Although my focus is on Lucretius’ treatment of death and men’s fears of it, in “Death: The Hole That Gapes for All” I persist with analyzing the themes of wombs, semen, fecundity, and the ways by which Lucretius weaves this imagery into his criticism of human appetite for consumables, sex, and protracted life. In Lucretius’ poetics, the universe, the world, and individual human bodies all become sites of decomposition, insemination, and (re)birth. Death itself is shown to be pathologically eroticized as the final object of a man’s fear and lust – a desire Lucretius seeks to reform into an ethical acceptance of death. Lucretius’ point, I argue, is that, regardless of biological maleness and the security it bestows on Roman men, nature’s laws make wombs and tombs of them all in a never-ending cycle of death and rebirth.

Chapter 5, “The Ties That Bind,” takes us in a new direction as we begin to explore Lucretius’ curative efforts toward his male audience. Quite naturally then, we train our focus on the famous honey-rimmed cup of medicine metaphor of 1.921–50 (4.1–25). We find that the verses present a figure denser than the simple doctor-patient-medicine schema. Rather surprisingly, Lucretius has woven into the image a complex set of allusions to mythical female characters. In overlapping ways, Lucretius identifies his authorial voice with Circe, Helen, and the Sirens as he seeks to seduce, drug, and divert his audience away from what they might imagine to be their dearest goals in life. Lucretius reveals that the emasculating web of deceit he spins becomes a safety net to rescue his audience from the trap of self-delusion and superstition in the face of nature’s laws.

In the sixth and final chapter, we continue to trace how Lucretius rehabilitates Roman men and their performed gender. Although I resume exploring the sexual language and figures by which Lucretius depreciates male presumptions of anatomical and sociological advantage, in “Vir Recreandus” I also tease out from the poem a positive argument about masculinity. Following the poet’s cues, I construct what an Epicurean man is, what he can do, what he is for, and how he can flourish in Lucretius’ reordering of the world. This Epicurean homo turns out to be manly in behaviors that, in part, map onto traditional scripts for a vir even while acting and self-regarding in ways that Romans would deem strange indeed. Much to Cicero’s vexation, Epicurean men become Rome’s true patriots.

Footnotes

2 The literature on genre and its implications is quite extensive, but for representative arguments in favor of didactic, see Reference DalzellDalzell (1996: 35–71) and Reference VolkVolk (2002: 69–118); for epic, see Reference MayerMayer (1990). See also Reference MontareseMontarese (2012: 1–8) and Reference GaleGale (2001: 1–7; Reference Gale, Gillespie and Hardie2007a; Reference Gale, Lehoux, Morrison and Sharrock2013). For didactic genre and readership, see Reference VieronVieron (2013: 37–45, 54–60); for the generic qualities of didactic, see Reference Fowler, Depew and ObbinkFowler (2000a).

3 The secondary material on the depiction and role of Venus in the proem of DRN is vast and cannot be surveyed here, but see Reference NethercutNethercut (2018: 523–26) for a recent assessment.

4 For epic genre and Epicurus as hero, see Reference MurleyMurley (1947). For Lucretius as the hero of his own poem, see Reference HumphriesHumphries (1968: 12–13). For audience, see Reference Gellar-GoadGellar-Goad’s (2020: 9–12) balanced position that the poem is targeted toward a culturally elite readership with a “wider range of intellectual backgrounds” than a narrowly focused audience of initiated Epicureans.

5 Reference Griffin, Griffin and BarnesGriffin (1989b: 3–5). Reference SedleySedley (1998: xv): “Lucretius’ achievements as a poet to a large extent lie in his genius for transforming Epicurean philosophy to fit a language, a culture and a literary medium for which it was never intended.” On the supposed decline of Roman morality and contact with the Greek east, see Reference EdwardsEdwards (1993: 92). Compare Sallust Cat. 11.5. For the notion that effeminacy was culturally contagious, see Caesar B. G. 1.1.3. See comments on both passages in Reference WilliamsWilliams (2010: 149, 368 Footnote n. 54). For historical reconstruction of Epicureanism in Italy during the late Republic, see Reference Sedley and WarrenSedley (2009).

6 On the challenges of language and translation, see Reference IngallsIngalls (1971: 232–33) and Reference SedleySedley (1999). Lucretius faced difficulties in prosody as well; see Reference AdkinsAdkins (1977). Reference FarrellFarrell (2001: 41) notes that there is reason to think that Lucretius was also playing with his audience and suggesting that Latin is superior to Greek “as a medium of philosophical expression”; see also Reference TaylorTaylor’s (2020a: 1–14) recent treatment.

7 For Lucretius’ concern to ensure that nobody think magnets to be magical, or endowed with soul, capable of lustful attraction, or useful in proving other phenomena inexplicably possible, see Reference WallaceWallace (1996).

8 This issue commands a huge secondary literature; but see Reference FowlerFowler (2002a: 301–66; 407–27(=Reference FowlerFowler 1983: 1.329–52)) and Reference AsmisAsmis (1970) for contributions still important today.

9 Reference Rouse and SmithRouse and Smith (1992: 583) also seem to make this parallel to the opening verses of the poem by rendering in ore iacens rictum “mouth agape and grinning.” Whether DRN ends at 6.1286 is still a point of debate with its own history of scholarship; but see Reference KellyKelly (1980) for a brief review of positions and for an argument that line 1286 does indeed close the poem. Though I remain unconvinced by the argument’s attempts to fix the difficult final lines, I am satisfied with Reference Fowler, Roberts, Dunn and FowlerFowler’s (1997) interpretation that the poem closes in purposeful indeterminacy so that the reader is left to choose the single path out of the existential darkness, that is to say, the good news offered by Epicurus through the verses of Lucretius. Reference BrightBright (1971: 628): “The end of VI is, in short, Lucretius’ view of Hell, man confronted by death and uncertainty with no toehold on the immutable saving truth.” Most recently, Reference Butterfield and MartínezButterfield (2014: 20–22) has forcefully argued that lines are missing after 6.1286. Reference PenwillPenwill (1996: 147) also notices the smiling laughter of the opening of Book 1 and the mourning closing Book 6.

10 In part I agree with Reference McConnellMcConnell (2012) that though the poem was composed in the epoch of Pompey and Caesar, it is not necessarily speaking to that specific moment in time; see also Reference Gale and MitsisGale (2020: 447–48). Reference Schiesaro, Gillespie and HardieSchiesaro’s (2007a: 41) assessment seems most prudent to me:

The DRN’s ambition is indeed twofold: both to be involved (literally from the very first line) in the anxieties of a troubled age, and to teach eternal truths. Epicurean precepts possess transhistorical validity; but can also help here and now to make sense of Rome’s stormy politics, rooted in the structural malaise of a society which has long lost any sense of “what Nature barks for”.

(2.17)

Other important critics of Lucretius read him as directly engaging his immediate historical context, for example, Reference GreenGreen (1942: 59), Reference Fowler, Griffin and BarnesFowler (1989), and Reference 198Cole, Knox and FossCole (1998). Reference HutchinsonHutchinson’s (2001) close reading of the proem to Book 1 yields a date of composition that ranged into the civil war period of the 40s BCE; similarly, Reference KeenKeen (1985). Reference VolkVolk (2010), on the other hand, shows that the sense of political crisis Hutchinson uses to pin down this later date could be applicable to any number of historical moments from the Gracchi to the 50s. See also Reference Schrijvers, Harder, MacDonald and ReininkSchrijvers (2007b: 50–51) for earlier dating. The poem was certainly read by the likes of Caesar and others of his station; see Reference Volk, Yona and DavisVolk (2022: 73–74).

11 Though this does not preclude involvement in politics, whether at the local community level or in high politics. See Reference Fowler, Griffin and BarnesFowler’s (1989) measured reading of Lucretius’ approach to politics. I must disagree with the position staked in Reference RoskamRoskam’s (2007b: 83–101) excellent study, that, to simplify things, Lucretius neither intended to write nor did compose his poem as a political effort. This rejection of public competitive life was difficult for ancient elites to fathom; see Reference Long, Flashar and GigonLong (1986b: 289).

12 Reference NugentNugent (1994: 179–82). Reference MinyardMinyard (1985: 45) referred to DRN as an “oligarchic poem” for this intended audience. For aristocratic audience, see also Reference GaleGale (1994b: 89–90). For a broader Italian audience, see Reference HoweHowe (1957: 332–33).

13 For DRN as protreptic, see Reference MarkovićMarković (2010–11), Reference GaleGale (2007b: 9–10), Reference Cabisius and DerouxCabisius (1979: 247–48), and Reference de Lacyde Lacy (1948). Reference Wiseman and WisemanWiseman’s (1974) study to reconstruct the life and times of Lucretius has some insightful internal readings (at several points attempting to show that Lucretius was not of the aristocratic world) but is, nevertheless, overly fanciful.

14 Reference Fowler, Griffin and BarnesFowler (1989: 149): “[Lucretius] is concerned with the state of Rome, but the solution is a personal one: everyone should become an Epicurean.” See Reference Schrijvers, Harder, MacDonald and ReininkSchrijvers (2007b: 49) for the perceived corrosiveness of the Epicurean message.

15 Reference BartonBarton (2001: 36–37):

Virtus was, in the words of Georges Dumézil, “la qualité d’homme au maximum.” There was no virtus in the Republic without the demonstration of will. “The whole glory of virtue,” Cicero declares, “resides in activity” (De officiis 1.6.19). Seneca spoke of the “man of exalted spirit” (homo excelsi ingenii): “Just as the flame leaps straight into the air and cannot be prostrated or repressed any more than it can be made to keep quiet, so our spirit is always in motion, and the more ardent the spirit, the greater its motion and activity” (Epistulae 39.3). Cicero speaks of “that elation of spirit that is discerned in perils and labors” (De officiis 1.19.62). The absence of energy (inertia, desidia, ignavia, socordia) was nonbeing.

For Epicurus’ insistence on retiring from political activity, see Reference Roskam and MitsisRoskam (2020: 284–90).

16 Reference Gordon and FredrickGordon (2002: 105–6). See Reference OlsonOlson (2017: 5–6) for a brief review of masculinity studies in regard to ancient Rome.

17 Readers of the poem cannot avoid its forcefulness. As Reference DalzellDalzell (1996: 56) observes, “The De Rerum Natura is from start to finish a long and passionate argument, carefully organized and pursued relentlessly. The reader is allowed no escape from the remorseless logic of the text.”

18 This cycle of rise and fall, one thing emerging from the collapse of another, also comports with both the physics and politics of the poem. I discuss this more extensively in Chapter 5.

19 Comparison of DRN 1.1 to Verg. Aen. 1.1 is natural and common, for example, Reference FarringtonFarrington (1952: 29), Reference VolkVolk (2002: 9–10). Though, as Reference PenwillPenwill (1994: 77) notes, the Ennian locution hominum divumque also helps to conjure “the glorious past” and suggest “that we are embarking on an Ennius-style narrative celebration of Roman res gestae.” Reference GundersonGunderson (2000: 7) provides a brief and instructive definition of vir in the political and literary discourses of the late Republic:

In Latin, a vir is an adult male. But the same word also signifies a man who is a husband or a soldier. Thus, in “pregnant” uses, a man in Latin is a real man, a manly man. The term also designates a position of authority and responsibility: the adult is enfranchised, while the child (or slave) is not; the man rules his wife in the household; the soldier is the defender of the safety of the state. In short, the term evokes more than mere gender.

20 Voluptas proves to be a heavily loaded term for Lucretius, as Reference FarringtonFarrington (1952) demonstrates, spanning the most basic pleasurable sensation to the goal of blessed living. See also Reference FarringtonFarrington (1939: 172–216) on Lucretius’ moral insurrection against scripts for aristocratic masculinity; compare Reference Schiesaro and MonetSchiesaro (2003: esp. 74). Including voluptas in the first verse might be a nice homage to Epicurus’ famous statement that “pleasure is the beginning and end of living blessedly” (τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τέλος … εἶναι τοῦ μακαρίως ζῆν; Ep. Men.128); see Reference Tsouna and MitsisTsouna (2020: 145–49).

21 Repeated liquid and nasal consonants are significant in Lucretius’ verse. As an example, Reference DeutschDeutsch (1978: 18–19) shows how Lucretius employs a series of nasals to emphasize the pleasure of sweetness at 2.399 when “contrasting sensations aroused by sweet and bitter taste.” More germane to Venus and delight, I would point to the graphic description of erotic bodily movement in line 4.1268 (nec molles opu’ sunt motus uxoribus hilum; “Nor are mollifying motions at all necessary for wives”).

22 I do not think that Lucretius’ audience could read the first word of the poem, Aeneadum, without being transported, at least for a moment, to the fall of Troy. Indeed, the Trojan War and the notorious wooden horse are treated later in Book 1 at 464–77 and note well the imagery of a horse pregnant with Greeks (partu | … equus … Graiugenarum; 476–77). For Lucretius and the fall of Troy, see also Reference Schrijvers, Algra, van der Horst and RuniaSchrijvers (1996: 225). For pregnant horse image, see Reference MarkovićMarković (2008: 647). Reference PenwillPenwill (1994: 76–78) observes that the opening verses invoke Roman nationalism only for “re-education” to commence a few lines later at 1.50.

23 Theoretical literature on socially constructed masculinities is immense and spans multiple disciplines. An outstanding primer for this scholarly apparatus is Reference OlsonOlson (2014). Reference EdwardsEdwards’ (1993: 95) observation helps us begin to interpret Mars’ downfall: “Sexual passivity and military defeat were closely associated. The analogy between sex and war is a central preoccupation of Latin love elegy but elegy also turned around the metaphor, playing on the idea of the male lover as dominated by his mistress.”

26 For a précis of Williams’ methodology and responses to subsequent criticism and development, see especially Reference WilliamsWilliams (2010: 253–68).

30 Examples of uncritical and often purposeful readings of the Aeneid in support of empire and colonization abound. For the problem and counter moves against such readings, see Reference CullingfordCullingford’s (1996) still excellent article.

31 Reference GreenblattGreenblatt (2011: 3) captures well the challenge before every reader of poetry: “I can, in any case, testify that, even in a prose translation, On the Nature of Things struck a very deep chord within me. Its power depended to some extent on personal circumstances – art always penetrates the particular fissures in one’s psychic life.”

32 For Lucretius’ ethics in the face of modern science, see Reference JohnsonJohnson (2006: 135–56) who expresses a similar sentiment in regard to ethics in the face of today’s scientific progress:

But I think it’s worth pondering what these professions look like when bathed in Lucretian light, what help this poem might be able to offer us in our efforts to reconstruct the idea of science and of the world it has, in recent centuries, for worse and for better, remade.

Reference Sharrock, Zajko and LeonardSharrock (2006: 254–55 Footnote n. 2) is critical of just this sort of approach:

Certain features of Lucretius’ poem encourage modern readers to get excited about his modernity and to treat him as an inspired prophet of post-Enlightenment “truths” about the world. Our conventional use of the term “atoms” to refer to Lucretius’ semina rerum (“seeds of things”) or principia (“first principles”) is among the tricks played on us by the critical tradition. Lucretius, I would say, is much less modern than he sounds.

33 Reference Sharrock, Zajko and LeonardSharrock (2006). In a note, Sharrock acknowledges, I think, resignation or frustration with Reference Gordon and FredrickGordon’s (2002) recuperative analysis of Lucretius (“Some Unseen Monster: Rereading Lucretius on Sex”) by stating that “I have deliberately avoided ‘Lucretius on Sex’ in this essay.” These two approaches to similar questions put to the same poet may need to remain, at least on some level, irreconcilable. I find myself more aligned with Gordon’s interpretation and so I acknowledge that my own reading of Lucretius may ultimately be at odds with Sharrock’s.

36 One example is the casual misogyny of 4.1149–76 even if it is ironically employed in the service of criticizing patriarchal male fantasies. But see Reference BrownBrown’s (2017: 36, 36 Footnote n. 31) partial defense of Lucretius on this count. Reference WrayWray (2001: 113–17) lays out the stakes involved in performing recuperative treatments of Roman literature of this period with its agonism and aggression hard-baked into every aspect of masculinity.

37 The bulk of the research and writing for this project was conducted at the height of the MeToo movement and the contemporaneous flourishing of “strong man” chiefs of state across the globe.

38 I have cropped Sharrock’s concluding line, but in full it reads: “Maybe the answer lies in accepting and living with the undermining, but still doing feminist analysis anyway, because the process brings personal and intellectual growth, even if it doesn’t bring answers.”

39 Reference ShildrickShildrick’s (1997: 104–5) project on gender and indeterminacy has been influential on my own.

40 Reference BetenskyBetensky (1980: 298): “One of Lucretius’ methods of teaching the reader to manage reality is to start simply, then to move slowly toward greater complexity.” Similarly, Reference ClayClay (2011: 153) sees the entire poem as an inviting doorway on the front end that leads to a harsh reality on the back end: “Hermann Diels once compared Lucretius’ invocation to Venus to a splendid portal through which the reader enters his De Rerum Natura. In fact, it is that – a splendid hall … It is a cryptoporticus that leads finally to the plague that destroyed Athens, the highest pinnacle of human civilization (5.1448–57 followed by 6.1–6).”

41 Cicero’s polemical treatment of Lucius Calpurnius Piso is representative, as Reference de Lacyde Lacy (1941) shows. See also Reference Schrijvers, Harder, MacDonald and ReininkSchrijvers (2007b: 59). Epicureans, of course, were also famous for their invective against their philosophical forerunners, even ones they borrowed from, as well as contemporary rivals. See Reference EdwardsEdwards (1989) for Lucretius’ traditionally Epicurean polemics against Empedocles; see also Reference SedleySedley (2003).

42 For the historical tradition of anti-Epicurean polemics, see Reference RoskamRoskam (2007a: 43–84). Compare Sallust’s condemnation of pleasures (voluptates) and inactivity (inertia) in Iug. 1.4. Reference OlsonOlson (2017: 136): “Delicatus/deliciae often allude to slave-boys kept for visual and sexual pleasure.”

43 Though he is dealing with the Latin loanword cinaedus (from κίναιδος) in its Roman cultural and Latin literary contexts, Reference WilliamsWilliams (2010: 191–218) captures well the severity of Epictetus’ insult. See also Reference GordonGordon (2012: 178–81).

44 Whether or not he was the one to name his philosophical community, Epicurus seems to have used the sobriquet even in the more official language of his will (D.L. 10.17).

45 See Reference AdamsAdams (1982: 84, 96, 113, 228–29). It is remarkable that Lucretius never uses hortus.

46 Reference Clay and WarrenClay (2009: 10) likewise sees κῆπος in this passage in Heraclitus as a term of abuse, though he does not explain the valuation further. Heraclitus elsewhere lambasts Epicurus for misreading and stealing ideas about pleasure from Homer and again emphasizes Epicurus’ self-oriented green thumb, as it were: “Epicurus, the plowman of pleasure in his own private garden” (Ἐπίκουρος, ὁ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις κήποις γεωργός; Alleg. 79.2; cf. “planted these things in his own honorable garden” ταῦτα τοῖς σεμνοῖς κήποις ἐμφυτεύσας; 79.10); see discussion in Reference GordonGordon (2012: 41).

47 This and subsequent translations are mine unless otherwise indicated.

48 Reference Russell and KonstanRussell and Konstan (2005: 7) appear to acknowledge this innuendo with their rendering and emphasis: “in his private garden.”

49 Reference GordonGordon (2012: 76). For critical assessment of the historical reality of women participating in the Garden, see Reference GordonGordon (2012: 72–108). See also Reference Clay and WarrenClay (2009: 26–27).

50 For a penis being the source for irrigation (urine), compare rigare 4.1029.

51 Epictetus (Arr. Epict. diss. 2.20.22–27) makes a similar argument – that Epicureans would make for ineffectual and compromised statemen, the sort that never would have brought Sparta and Athens to the heights of their glory.

52 For Cicero’s criticism of Epicurus’ hedonic ethics, see Reference Tsouna and MitsisTsouna (2020: 172–83).

53 Reference Griffin, Griffin and BarnesGriffin (1989b: 20). Reference Clay and WarrenClay (2009: 15) puts it succinctly: “And philosophers involved in political and religious life such as Cicero, Seneca and Plutarch were offended by Epicurus’ withdrawal from the political life of Athens.” Reference Schiesaro, Gillespie and HardieSchiesaro (2007a: 54):

The target of Lucretius’ attack is neither a faction nor an age: the very ideological and political superstructure of the Roman state itself, which Cicero strives to preserve by insisting on its metaphysical dimension, is shown to be an insurmountable obstacle to personal and social fulfilment. The DRN shows that a return to nature is the key not just to the happiness of the individual, but also to the salvation of the state. What Rome needs is a fresh social compact based on mutual respect, non-aggression, and, first and foremost, rejection of all false idols: fame, honour, armies, money, religio. Tinkering with party politics would not address any of these issues. Clearly, what is needed is not constitutional reform, but philosophical conversion.

54 Reference RoskamRoskam (2007a: 17). Reference RoskamRoskam (2007b): “They were merely two common words [λάθε βιώσας], which were not even technical or abstruse ones, but they stood for a whole way of life, ridiculed and despised by many, praised and applauded by others.”

55 No need to be affronted by Reference ThongThong’s (2017) decision to cite Thomas Aquinas rather than Epicurus or Aristotle in her Medium article titled “Minimalism – The Long Forgotten Virtue of Temperance.”

56 For an excellent review of current scholarship on Greco-Roman masculinity, see Reference WilsonWilson (2015: 39–75).

57 Reference GordonGordon (2012: 72–108) reviews the primary evidence and makes a convincing argument that the Garden was open to women and slaves, and that critics of Epicureanism naturally seized upon this. See also Reference WiderWider (1986: 50–51).

58 For women as social and physical contaminants, see Reference 197Carson, Halperin, Winkler and ZeitlinCarson (1990).

59 Cicero, as scholars have thoroughly demonstrated, was a vocal and prolific critic of Epicureanism. See especially Reference Stokes and PowellStokes (1995), Reference Striker and StrikerStriker (1996), Reference Zetzel, Knox and FossZetzel (1998), and Reference Nicgorski, Allman and BeatyNicgorski (2002). Assertions that the feeling of pleasure is the measuring rod for determining every good (ὡς κανόνι τῷ πάθει πᾶν ἀγαθὸν κρίνοντες, Epicurus Ep. Men. 129) gave critics like Cicero ready material.

60 For Cicero’s attacks on Epicurean hedonism, see Reference Striker, Brunschwig and NussbaumStriker (1993). Reference Hanchey, Yona and DavisHanchey (2022: 48, 53) points to this passage especially in his argument that for Cicero, and his greater project of rational public service for the good of the state, Epicureanism “is fundamentally antisocial because it uses profit, utility, pleasure, convenience and reward as its standard.”

61 For a similar assessment of this passage, see Reference HancheyHanchey (2013: 120–21).

62 Taken together with passages considered above, it seems clear to me that Cicero is making a joke out of the anatomical sense of hortulus and is semi-politely bidding the Epicureans to go fuck themselves.

66 Reference HoweHowe (1951) makes a convincing argument that Cicero’s frequent denigration of Epicurean doctrine may have been a response to what he saw as the rapid success of the philosophy’s spread among landed and wealthy Romans (and Italians), success which was drawing men away from public life and further weakening the state after Pharsalus.

67 For the grammatical difficulty (how to construe and/or emend multae tamen artis) and various attempts to solve it, see Reference LitchfieldLitchfield (1913).

68 The term poemata is too ambiguous to conclude whether this was the poem as a whole or a selection(s) from it; see Reference SandbachSandbach (1940: 75–76).

69 For authorship of Empedoclea, see Reference SymeSyme (1964: 10–11). Reference MurleyMurley (1928) sees the vir/homo comparison as part of a humorous play on Empedocles’ self-representation as divine. But the structure of the clauses also invites comparison of Lucretius’ poemata and Sallust’s Empedoclea, with virum being overtly connected to the Empedoclea and hominem logically connected to poemata in a chiastic schema. Murley’s point and this comparison need not be mutually exclusive.

70 Reference Walters, Hallett and SkinnerWalters (1997: 31–32). See also Reference WilliamsWilliams’ (1998) critique of this passage in Reference Walters, Hallett and SkinnerWalters (1997: 31–32). Reference GleasonGleason’s (1995: 59) formulation is succinct: “Masculinity in the ancient world was an achieved state, radically undetermined by anatomical sex.”

72 To sense a phallic resonance with teli iactum would do no violence to the context.

73 Reference WilliamsWilliams’ (2010: 265) comments on this passage make the same point:

Seneca’s co-option of the masculine as metaphor for Stoicism, and the feminine for other schools of philosophy, is unabashedly bullying in its stance of self-evident truth: this opening salvo speaks from a position of a certainty that is of course shared by its reader. In a move especially characteristic of the Western cultural tradition, the difference between male and female (note how effortlessly the categories slide into masculine and feminine) functions as a metonymy not for complementarity or for contrast as balance, but rather for contrast as conflict, profound divide and unbridgeable gulf.

Williams’ emphasis.

74 The amoena syntactically modifies a suppressed via but it also does double duty as a play on words suggesting locus amoenus, a substitute for Epicureanism’s common moniker Hortus. I think this shades the passage toward a specifically Stoic versus Epicurean comparison rather than a Stoic versus all other philosophy competition as Reference WilliamsWilliams (2010: 265) reads it. Lucretius employs bucolic language and imagery throughout the poem but perhaps most notably in 2.29–33 and 5.1379–96; see Reference GillisGillis (1967) and Reference RundinRundin (2003: 160–63).

75 Or, in Epicurus’ figuring, “we all live in an unwalled city” (πάντες ἄνθρωποι πόλιν ἀτείχιστον οἰκοῦμεν; Sent. Vat. 31).

76 Epicurus’ doctrine was fundamentally eudaimonistic, for example, Ep. Men. 122.

78 For Memmius’ identity, (rather dodgy) career, and the nature of the relationship (equals or patron–client) between him and Lucretius, see Reference Allen Jr.Allen (1938), Reference BaileyBailey (1947: 1.8–10, 32–33), Reference RollerRoller (1970), and Reference DonahueDonahue (1993: 111–22).

79 See, for example, Reference BraundBraund (1996). Memmius as the addressee fades as the poem progresses and the addressee(s) becomes a more generalized audience, as Reference FantiFanti (2017) demonstrates. Memmius’ most remembered act of manliness – and perhaps the target of Lucretius’ moralizing efforts – might have been his high-stakes sexual liaisons with married women of lofty estate, apparently effected to double-cross rivals in his pursuit of the topmost political office; see Reference Farrell and O’RourkeFarrell (2022).

80 Or, less likely, “the sweet pleasure of Memmius’ friendship.” For this sense of Epicurean friendship and how such an attachment that might draw Memmius away from politics, over against the toils and dangers of public life, see Reference Gale, Yona and DavisGale (2022: 96–98).

81 Humans, not men exclusively; see Reference HolmesHolmes (2014: 146 Footnote n. 29).

82 See analysis of Magna Mater episode in Reference JopeJope (1985).

83 Reference Sedley, Algra, Koenen and SchrijversSedley (1997; Reference Sedley1998: 94–165) has demonstrated that Lucretius’ sole source for most of the poem (proems and some other passages excluded) was Epicurus’ work on physics, On Nature. That is not to say that Lucretius does not adapt his source for a Roman audience, as even the most cursory reading of the first few hundred lines demonstrates. For Epicurean curriculum starting with physics and then progressing toward ethics as mirrored in Lucretius, see Reference KleveKleve (1979: 83–84); compare Reference Erler, Algra, Koenen and SchrijversErler’s (1997) study on the ethical import of the poem, especially the description of the plague in Book 6 and the depreciation of lust and erotic sex in Book 4. Reference WaszinkWaszink (1954: 247–49) takes the view that physics, for Lucretius, “always had a subservient function [to ethics].”

84 Reference TestardTestard (1976: 262) cannily observes how the accumulation of fertility terminology in verse 56 suggests the abundant fecundity of nature while the succinctness of the following verse reminds us of the destructive force nature also exerts.

85 Reference BaileyBailey’s (1928: 275–99) treatment of Epicurus’ theories of atoms and space remains an excellent primer for situating Epicurus in historical context and for parsing out difficulties posed by the theories.

86 Reference KennedyKennedy (2002: 77) underscores the sense of durability and cyclicality suggested by these terms:

The physical appearance of seeds offers an image of small, discrete pieces of matter, but we know too that from tiny seeds huge things can eventually come into being, and come into being, moreover, through an ordered, not random, process of growth. To call atoms seeds therefore serves to suggest a reassuring degree of stability in the universe over time, notwithstanding the continual and purposeless motion of the individual atoms.

Reference Warren, Gillespie and HardieWarren (2007: 22) notes that

This range of terms belies any complaints of the lexical poverty of Latin and allows Lucretius to express the importance of atoms by noting the various roles they play as the fundamental existents, components, and material substance for all other things.

On these terms, see also Reference Wormell and DudleyWormell (1965: 52–53).

89 Reference NugentNugent (1994: 184) notes subsequent language of milk production, but not this one.

90 All of Reference FowlerFowler (2002a) is indispensable for any discussion on atomic motion but, for this paragraph, especially 301–22.

91 Reference SedleySedley (1999: 230) likewise points to the reproductive language. For atoms, void, atomic motion, and atomic cohesion, compare Epicurus Ep. Hdt. 38–44.

93 For Epicurus’ theory of void, see Reference AsmisAsmis (1984: 238–52). For primary sources and analysis of Epicurus’ theory of void, see Reference Long and SedleyLong and Sedley (1987: 1.25–32). Reference ClayClay (1983: 124): “To imagine something incorporeal, and imagine it as intangible, and thus incapable of offering any obstacle to an object passing through it, is to define void.” Reference SedleySedley’s (1982: 191) argument showing Epicurus’ development of the theory of space as non-substance is instructive:

Why then does Epicurus pair body and void in the formula “the totality of things is bodies and void”? He does not mean by this that the universe is compounded out of them in the way that house is compounded out of bricks and mortar. Rather, he means that they are the only two orders of being that are required to account for the universe. All other candidates for the title “existent”, including time, events and properties, can be accounted for as attributes of body, incapable of separate existence (Lucretius 1.449–82). Space alone cannot. And that is because it exits even where body does not.

96 Lucretius does the same in Book 6 where we find rocks in caves that “sweat with fluid” (sudent umore) and “drip with secreting droplets” (guttis manantibu’ stillent; 6.942–43). Indeed, in the very next line Lucretius recycles manare to refer to our own secretion of sweat (sudor; 6.944).

97 See note on maternity and lactation in Reference Holmes, Lehoux, Morrison and SharrockHolmes (2013: 161 Footnote n.17). For gutta, stones, and seepage, see Reference LandolfiLandolfi (2006: 90–91).

98 Compare especially the almost anti-Epicurean sentiment of Cicero Cael. 39: “Men of the jury, if there was anyone of this strength of mind, of this native character of manliness and restraint, that he rejected all pleasures … (si quis, iudices, hoc robore animi atque hac indole virtutis atque continentiae fuit, ut respuerat omnes voluptates).”

99 See Reference AsmisAsmis (1984: 61–103) and Reference Asmis and MitsisAsmis (2020: 194–99). Epicurean trust in the senses was famous in antiquity and famously derided (e.g., Cic. Luc. 26.82). The classical example, or blunder, to see it from the critics’ point of view, involves Epicurus’ assertion that the size of the sun is as it appears to us (Pyth. 91; cf. 5.564–65); see treatment in Reference BarnesBarnes (1989). Epicurean faith in the senses, the historical context of the notion and its challenges from rival philosophical schools, is a subfield all its own, but see Reference Taylor, Schofield, Burnyeat and BarnesTaylor (1980), Reference Everson and EversonEverson (1990), and Reference Striker and StrikerStriker (1996) for clear treatments of the problem and arguments making sense of what initially appears to be a facile line in the sand. See also Reference Furley, Anton and KustasFurley (1971) and Reference O’KeefeO’Keefe (1997). Reference Asmis and WarrenAsmis (2009: 85) presents an important reading that complicates and attempts to rehabilitate the controversial Epicurean theory. Most recently, see Reference WarrenWarren (2019) for an excellent critique and sensitive analysis of Epicurus’ trust in the validity of sense perceptions and Reference Gellar-Goad, Yona and DavisGellar-Goad (2022) for a recuperative reevaluation of the sun size question.

100 Reference AsmisAsmis (1984: 105): “Briefly, according to Epicurus there are six types of perception, the five types associated with the five senses – sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch – and mental perception or ‘thought’ (dianoia). In all cases, the perceptual organ obtains an impression through the impact of particles from outside.”

101 Reference GliddenGlidden (1979a: 161): “The relation between sensus as the operation of sense organs and sensus as feeling is particularly intimate, for it is by means of one’s corporeal feelings that one becomes aware of his sensory mechanism … what makes a particular sight horrible or a particular taste terrible is the damage done to the sense organs by atomic particles (cf. 2.419–421).”

102 For a much more expansive analysis of this basic schema, see Reference Koenen, Algra, Koenen and SchrijversKoenen (1997) and Reference KoenenKoenen (1999).

104 Following Reference AdamsAdams (1982: 91), a literally translated example from Tibullus 1.8.36 is also illustrative: “He presses close to her tender sinus” (teneros conserit usque sinus). Note also the play on sowing imagery with conserere.

105 Insinuare occurs nearly thirty times throughout the poem.

106 See Reference AdamsAdams (1982: 148–52) on ferire, tundere, pulsare, rescindere, verberare, perrumpere, and fodire.

107 Reference NugentNugent (1994: 182). Reference NugentNugent (1994: 182) goes on to say that “Arguably, what produces anxiety, in Lucretius’ view of physiology, is the threat of penetrability, which may be associated with feminization.”

108 Translating primis ab sensibus as agentive is justified both because inanimate things or qualities are not uncommonly made agents with ab (cf. 4.1086–87; Cic. De Orat. 2.220) and because the phrase esse creatam regularly takes this agentive construction (OLD2 s.v. creo 1b).

109 Reference GundersonGunderson’s (2000: 39) comments on Quintillian’s maneuvers to establish the authority of his writing pertain also to Lucretius: “In fact, the text is also intended to secure speech as authorized, hegemonic discourse and to constitute speech as both mastery and presence. One can also note that this voice is a gendered one: the voice of the text is male, as is the structure of worldly power in whose name this voice speaks.”

110 For the extreme depravity of a man being defiled in every available organ or orifice, see Reference WilliamsWilliams’ (2010: 225–26) discussion of Cicero’s polemical questions aimed at Catiline: “What shameful act from your private life does not cling to your reputation? What lust from your eyes, what crime from your hands, what scandal from your whole body has ever been absent?” (quod privatarum rerum dedecus non haeret in fama? quae libido ab oculis, quod facinus a manibus umquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore afuit?; Cat. 1.13). My emphasis.

112 Compare Reference GundersonGunderson (2000: 84): “Quintillian assaults his reader’s bodies, beating them into manly shape.”

113 This is Lucretius’ version of Epicurus’ observations on the human condition and his therapeutic project. See Reference Nussbaum, Schofield and StrikerNussbaum (1986: 32–33) on human and especially male anxieties over vulnerability and ensuing frantic, desperate appetites.

114 Repetition of terms, phrases, themes, and sounds is also one of the most distinctive features of Lucretius’ poetics and has been studied in various ways; see Reference BaileyBailey (1940), Reference DeutschDeutsch (1978), Reference SmithSmith (1966), and Reference IngallsIngalls (1971).

115 Reference Sharrock, Zajko and LeonardSharrock (2006: 273, 273 Footnote n. 33) suggests that DRN “may perhaps also be designated a kind of ‘feminine writing.’” In the corresponding footnote Sharrock goes on to clarify that “In the French-feminist strand of thought under the sign of which the present volume comes into being, there is something ‘feminine’ about a style of writing which is anti-teleological, swirly, poetic, repetitive, metaphorical, and imagistic.” For Lucretius’ cyclical style as a reflection of cyclical nature, see Reference MinaedoMinaedo (1965). But, as Reference OwenOwen (1969a; Reference Owen1969b) has shown, each book is also a product of rhetorical training, structured in predictable patterns with large-scale parallelisms across books. I see no need to adopt the elaborate reconstruction of Reference TownendTownend (1979).

116 Reference SissaSissa (2008: 1). When Reference SissaSissa (2008: 9) focuses in on Rome, sex becomes still more important as an explanatory factor for the march of history:

Whereas in Greek historiography after Herodotus, sentimental considerations and episodes were treated with contempt and skepticism, in Roman history sex and sensuality acquired a legitimate role in the explanation of social change or political action. The Romans’ foundation myths, as elsewhere, were stories of seductions and miraculous births. But there was something more. Even the more thoughtful Roman historians believed that the social and cultural transformations that brought about the collapse of the Republic were principally the result of decline in the thrift and asceticism that Numa, their second king, wisely instilled into their lifestyle.

117 In this way the poem is also a political act, and perhaps Lucretius must be seen as one of those Roman Epicureans who chose to engage in the exigent politics of the era. For this fraught decision for Roman Epicureans, see Reference Roskam, Yona and DavisRoskam (2022: 32–36).

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  • Odd Men Out
  • Michael Pope, Brigham Young University, Utah
  • Book: Lucretius and the End of Masculinity
  • Online publication: 11 May 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009242349.001
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  • Odd Men Out
  • Michael Pope, Brigham Young University, Utah
  • Book: Lucretius and the End of Masculinity
  • Online publication: 11 May 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009242349.001
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  • Odd Men Out
  • Michael Pope, Brigham Young University, Utah
  • Book: Lucretius and the End of Masculinity
  • Online publication: 11 May 2023
  • Chapter DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009242349.001
Available formats
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