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On Xi Jinping: How Xi’s Marxist Nationalism is Shaping China and the World Kevin Rudd. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2024. 624 pp. US$39.99; £26.30 (hbk). ISBN 9780197766033

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On Xi Jinping: How Xi’s Marxist Nationalism is Shaping China and the World Kevin Rudd. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2024. 624 pp. US$39.99; £26.30 (hbk). ISBN 9780197766033

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 December 2025

Alfred L. Chan*
Affiliation:
Huron University College, Western University, London, ON, Canada
*
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Book Review
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This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution and reproduction, provided the original article is properly cited.
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© The Author(s), 2025. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of SOAS University of London.

In this substantial and ambitious work, former Australian prime minister and noted China expert Kevin Rudd presents a forceful and detailed discussion of the ideological foundations shaping Xi Jinping’s governance and policymaking. The book, an updated version of Rudd’s 2022 doctoral dissertation, argues that Xi has articulated a coherent ideological framework that Rudd terms “Marxist Nationalism.” According to Rudd, Xi has taken “Chinese politics to the Leninist left, Chinese economics to the Marxist left, and Chinese foreign policy to the nationalist right,” producing a system that blends ideological orthodoxy, statist economics and aggressive nationalism.

After outlining key concepts and providing a historical survey of Chinese worldviews, Rudd moves to an analysis of Xi’s rule across multiple domains: chapter two defines the Leninist left as the CCP’s absolute political and ideological control over state, society and nation, while the Marxist left refers to increased state intervention in the economy, including industrial policy and support for state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The nationalist right captures Xi’s assertive foreign and security posture.

Chapters three and four discuss Xi’s change to the Chinese worldview. Chapter five explores Xi’s concentration of power and the CCP’s deep penetration into media, education, religion, law and culture. Chapters six to eight detail Xi’s economic agenda, including accelerating the timetable to end the “Primary Stage of Socialism,” halting post-1978 liberalizing reforms, promoting state-led industrial policy, and curbing the private sector. Chapters nine to twelve focus on Xi’s nationalism: his call for the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” efforts to reshape global power dynamics, and attempts to forge a “new type of relationship” with the United States.

Rudd’s analysis is valuable in emphasizing ideology as a driver of policy – a perspective often neglected in analyses that treat China as purely pragmatic or opportunistic. His attempt to engage with Party texts and speeches to discuss Chinese domestic and external affairs offering a window into Xi Jinping’s ways of governance is well taken. So are his attempts to explore the continuity and evolution of Party-led governance.

However, the book suffers from conceptual weaknesses and interpretative shortcomings that limit its explanatory power. Rudd’s understanding of Marxism is filtered through Chinese and secondary sources (pp. 35–36). As such, his core concept is inherently problematic. Classic Marxism views nationalism as a bourgeois construct that obscures class struggle and hinders international proletarian solidarity. Marx’s dictum that “the proletariat has no motherland” and Lenin’s focus on internationalism both stand in stark contrast to Xi’s brand of patriotic mobilization. By labelling Xi’s programme “authentically Marxist,” Rudd sidesteps the tension and contradictions between Marxist theory and Chinese practice, missing an opportunity to explore how the CCP has reinterpreted and diluted Marxist doctrine to fit its political needs.

Similarly, Rudd conflates state interventionism with Marxism. Marxist theory sees the state in capitalist society as an instrument of class domination, not as an autonomous actor that can engineer socialist outcomes through industrial policy. Xi’s governance style may be statist and interventionist, but that does not make it “Marxist” in any meaningful theoretical sense.

Rudd repeatedly frames Xi as a radical departure from his predecessors – Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao – who are depicted as pragmatic, non-ideological reformers. In contrast with Xi’s alleged “leftist” radicalism, Xi’s predecessors are said to be open-minded about political and economic reforms which could have allowed a transition to democracy like Singapore (pp. 401–402). While Xi has undoubtedly centralized power and curtailed liberalization, these changes represent an intensification rather than a rupture. The Party’s commitment to political control and state-led development predates Xi and was never abandoned by his predecessors. Deng’s “hide and bide” strategy, which Rudd praises as a better strategy for compromising with and not challenging the US, was a tactical expedient rather than a permanent principle, given the desire for “wealth and power.”

Another limitation is the book’s near-exclusive focus on Marxism. Xi’s political philosophy draws heavily from Confucian ideals of moral leadership, social harmony and paternalistic governance – elements that scholars such as Rana Mitter, Rudd’s own doctoral advisor, have analysed in depth. Xi’s campaign for “common prosperity,” for example, is less about “Marxist egalitarianism” (and definitely not about class struggle leading to the demise of the bourgeoisie) than about Confucian ideals of balance and shared purpose, aimed at building a stable “olive-shaped” society with a strong middle class of 800 million.

Rudd’s discussion of Xi’s foreign policy often collapses complexity into sweeping generalizations. Repeatedly describing China’s approach as “aggressive,” “Manichean” or “mercantilist” oversimplifies the interplay of defensive and offensive motives, as well as the impact of US actions and global power shifts. This applies to such exaggerations as “governments around the world reeled in response to Chinese assertiveness, aggression, and economic coercion” (p. 226). Such framing risks caricaturing Beijing’s strategy rather than providing nuanced insight.

By framing Xi primarily through a “Marxist Nationalism” lens, Rudd misses chances to explore deeper contradictions in China’s political development. How does a party that abandoned class struggle and collectivization reconcile its Marxist rhetoric with a market-driven economy and a rising bourgeoisie? How do Confucian traditions and modern nationalism coexist within the CCP’s ideological framework? These questions are touched upon but never developed.

Rudd’s On Xi Jinping contributes to a growing body of literature that takes ideology seriously in understanding contemporary China. The close readings of policy documents also encourage more nuanced interpretations of Xi’s thought and the ongoing debates about ideology, power, and political development. The rich – if imperfect – framework for grappling with the ideological forces shaping China’s future and its role in the world is well taken. Few subjects are as important as the accurate and balanced expert evaluations of the progressive and retrogressive features of Xi Jinping. Yet, the book’s conceptual framing – particularly the “Marxist Nationalism” thesis – relies on strained definitions and sweeping claims that undermine its analytical rigour. The neglect of Confucian elements and oversimplification of foreign policy further limit its explanatory value.